El derecho a una vivienda

The right to a home is a basic human right in international declarations and figures in many national constitutions. It can also be given a “bourgeois” reading as the foundation of property– owning liberal democracy, with interesting consequences when citizens see their rights as violated. This paper charts the changing definition of the right to housing through the UN– Habitat agenda, discussing that agenda’s strengths and weaknesses from an anthropological perspective. Analysis then turns to the fact that much of the world’s population has had to fid its own solutions to housing problems, discussing debates around the “regularization” of “informal” housing, settlements and land and housing markets and the social implications of different approaches. Arguing that despite its emphasis on participatory planning and the universality of rights to the city, the UN approach still sidelines more difficult questions arising from the relationships between housing, habitat and patterns of sociability, the paper concludes by considering the conditions facing social movements struggling for rights to the city in an environment of class–biased urban regeneration and gentrification, incorporating the insights into micro–level social processes offered by ethnographic research into a multi– scalar perspective on the power relations that have structured the recent development of metropolitan cities.El derecho a la vivienda es un derecho humano básico recogido en las declaraciones internacionales y muchas constituciones nacionales. Del él puede hacerse también una lectura “burguesa”, como fundamento de la democracia liberal basada en la propiedad privada, con interesantes consecuencias cuando los ciudadanos ven que sus derechos son violados. Este artículo explora cómo va cambiando la definición del derecho a la vivienda a través de la agenda de ONU–Hábitat, y discute los puntos fuertes y débiles de este programa desde una perspectiva antropológica. El análisis incide sobre el hecho de que gran parte de la población mundial ha tenido que encontrar sus propias soluciones a los problemas de vivienda, y aborda los debates en torno a la “regularización” de los asentamientos, la tierra y las viviendas “informales”, a los mercados de la vivienda, y a las implicaciones sociales de los diferentes enfoques al respecto. Se sostiene que el enfoque de las Naciones Unidas, a pesar de su énfasis en la planificación participativa y la universalización del derecho a la ciudad, sigue marginando aspectos más complejos que surgen de las relaciones entre la vivienda, el hábitat y los patrones de sociabilidad. El artículo concluye con la consideración de las condiciones a las que se enfrentan los movimientos sociales que luchan por el derecho a la ciudad, en un contexto de regeneración urbana y gentrificación basado en la clase social, incorporando la comprensión de los procesos microsociales que ofrece la investigación etnográfica, desde una perspectiva multidimensional, sobre las relaciones de poder que han estructurado el reciente desarrollo de las ciudades metropolitanas

La mala administración de la seguridad pública

This paper examines public policies based on the idea that situations in areas of social deprivation threaten the security of all other urban residents. Using evidence from São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Salvador, the three biggest metropolitan cities of Brazil, where mano dura approaches frequently enjoy popular support, and significant reductions in poverty and social inequality have not reduced crime and violence, the analysis demonstrates the counter-productive consequences of simple policies of repression, especially in the context of a neoliberal model of urban development based on “accumulation by dispossession” and a privatization of public power that militates against the success of police reform. The paper explores ways in which, despite new commitments to deliver social justice, the state remains part of the problem, together with the implications of differences in the organization of drug trafficking and the alternative forms of “pacification” offered by “the rule of crime”. Criticizing a politics of securitization that prioritizes a theatrical war on delinquency that criminalizes poverty and drug addiction, the text argues for democratizing the production of public security policies, understanding what kinds of security poor people prioritize, such as security against eviction, and devoting more public resources to improving the police career.Este artículo examina políticas públicas basadas en la idea de que las situaciones en áreas de marginación social amenazan la seguridad de todos los otros residentes urbanos. Utilizando evidencias de Río de Janeiro, San Pablo y Salvador, las tres mayores ciudades de Brasil, donde el planteamiento de la mano dura goza con frecuencia de apoyo popular y donde la significativa reducción de la pobreza y la desigualdad social no han reducido el crimen y la violencia, el análisis demuestra las contraproducentes consecuencias de simples políticas de represión, especialmente en el contexto del modelo de desarrollo urbano neoliberal basado en la “acumulación por desposesión” y en la privatización del poder público que actúa en contra del éxito de la reforma policial. El artículo explora los modos en que, a pesar de nuevos compromisos para lograr justicia social, el estado sigue siendo parte del problema junto con las implicaciones de las diferencias en la organización de tráfico de drogas y las formas alternativas de “pacificación” que ofrece “la ley del crimen”. Criticando una política securitaria que prioriza una guerra teatral contra la delincuencia que criminaliza la pobreza y la adicción a las drogas, el texto defiende la democratización de la producción de políticas públicas de seguridad, que entienda qué tipo de seguridad prioriza la gente pobre, tales como la seguridad contra el desalojo, y dedique más recursos públicos a mejorar la carrera policial

Optimization of Multidimensional Nuclear Magnetic Resonance Spectroscopy, for Resolution and Sensitivity, Through Application of Radial Sampling

The high probability of degenerate frequencies in NMR spectra of complex biopolymers such as proteins presented a great barrier to detailed analysis. The combination of multidimensional NMR spectroscopy and high magnetic field strengths has overcome the resulting resonance assignment problem for proteins less than 50 kDa. However, as protein size increases the sampling and sensitivity limited regimes become apparent. As a consequence, the orthogonal linear sampling requirements of conventional multidimensional NMR spectroscopy, combined with increased signal averaging require a longer acquisition time than is feasible. To overcome these limitations, radial sampling of the indirect dimensions of multidimensional experiments is utilized. It is demonstrated here, that through optimization of radial sampling acquisition parameters, it is possible to escape the linear sequential sampling requirements of Cartesian sampling, which allows for the collection of a high resolution spectrum in reduced acquisition time. Further, by exploiting a fundamental statistical advantage of radial sampling, it is possible to obtain a signal-to-noise advantage, over the traditional methodology. The approach is generalized by developing an all inclusive NMR data processing package and associated programs to optimize radial sampling acquisition parameters. An example, which utilizes the resolution and sensitivity advantages, to collect a novel application of a high resolution four-dimensional 13C, 15N edited NOESY is presented in support

Exploring the impact of UN peacekeeping operations on the external affairs of host states

Studies of United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) typically give scant attention to an important aspect of host states’ development: their external affairs. This article identifies ways in which UN peacekeeping operations can shape the external affairs of host states, focusing on UN peacekeeping in the post-Cold War period. We present the findings of a quantitative content analysis of key UN peacekeeping documents to establish which aspects of host state external affairs have been of concern to the United Nations. We then provide a conceptual framework that maps three areas of external affairs in which PKOs are particularly influential: relationship-building; institution- and diplomatic capacity-building; and the shaping of policy in domains of external affairs. We identify three pathways through which PKOs shape the external affairs of host states: mandated roles, improvised actions, and unintended consequences. Drawing on documentary analysis and original interview data, we illustrate our conceptual framework through an exploration of the impact of peacekeeping on the external affairs of two countries that have hosted large-scale UN-led peacekeeping missions in recent decades: Timor-Leste (East Timor) and Liberia

LÍMITES DE LA AUTONOMÍA Y AUTODEFENSA INDÍGENA: EXPERIENCIAS MEXICANAS

Este trabajo analiza la situación actual de las luchas de los pueblos indígenas de México para alcanzar la autodeterminación y trascender los límites del multiculturalismo neoliberal. Después de examinar las relaciones entre la radicalización de las demandas indígenas y las transformaciones del Estado mexicano, el análisis se centra en la historia reciente de una comunidad indígena nahua de la costa del Pacífico, en el Estado de Michoacán, con una larga y exitosa historia de defensa de sustierras comunales. Se considera también una comunidad purépecha de la meseta central michoacana que ha sido su aliada. La violencia por parte de actores externos que aflige estas comunidades revela las consecuencias de la penetración, en todos los niveles de gobierno, del crimen organizado. El análisis también muestra cómo la capacidad de resistencia de las comunidades indígenas puede ser perjudicada por la desarticulación interna de las mismas fuerzas, en un clima de impunidaden que la violencia paramilitar sirve a una variedad regional y transnacional de intereses económicos

Epílogo: reflexões sobre a pandemia e as sociedades urbanas.

This paper analyzes the social and political conditions that made Latin America a global epicenter of the pandemic in 2020-2021. It addresses the issue of the impacts of patterns of urbanism on the development of the pandemic, considering urban hierarchies, interurban relations, and relations between cities and rural interiors, in addition to the structuring of socio-spatial inequalities within metropolitan cities, the consequences of high levels of economic informality, and forms of governance and political conjunctures. Adopting Boaventura Santos's perspective that the pandemic is an additional crisis added to more than four decades of crisis linked to the dominance of neoliberal financialized capitalism, the article investigates indications that the pandemic has strengthened movements in search of alternatives, discussing the possibilities and limitations of forms of popular resilience and resistance in the light of the current social and political power structures. It concludes with some reflections on what the pandemic teaches us about the transformations of urban life that would be desirable in a post-pandemic era.Este trabajo analiza las condiciones sociales y políticas que hicieron de América Latina un epicentro global de la pandemia en 2020-2021. Aborda la cuestión de los impactos de los padrones de urbanismo sobre el desarrollo de la pandemia, considerando las jerarquías urbanas, las relaciones interurbanas, y las relaciones entre ciudades y interiores rurales, además de la estructuración de las desigualdades socioespaciales dentro de ciudades metropolitanas, las consecuencias de altos niveles de informalidad económica, y formas de gobernanza y coyunturas políticas. Adoptando la perspectiva de Boaventura Santos de que la pandemia es una crisis adicional sumada a más de cuatro décadas de crisis ligada al dominio del capitalismo financiarizado neoliberal, el artículo indaga sobre indicios de que la pandemia ha fortalecido movimientos en busca de alternativas, discutiendo las posibilidades y limitaciones de formas de resiliencia y resistencia populares a la luz de las estructuras de poder social y político vigentes. Concluye con algunas reflexiones sobre lo que la pandemia nos enseña sobre las transformaciones de la vida urbana que serían deseables en una época pospandémica.Cet article analyse les conditions sociales et politiques qui ont fait de l’Amérique latine un épicentre mondial de lapandémique en 2020-2021. Il aborde la question des impacts des modèles d’urbanisme sur le développement de lapandémique, en examinant les hiérarchies urbaines, les relations interurbaines et les relations entre les villes et lesintérieurs ruraux, en plus de la structure des inégalités socio-spatiales dans les villes métropolitaines, les conséquencesde niveaux élevés d’informalité économique, et les formes de gouvernance et de conjonction politique. Adoptant laperspective de Boaventura Santos que la pandémique est une crise supplémentaire ajoutée à plus de quatre décennies de crise liée à la domination du capitalisme financier néolibéral, l’article étudie les indications que la pandémique arenforcé les mouvements à la recherche d’alternatives, discutant des possibilités et des limites des formes de résiliencepopulaire et des structures de résistance à la lumière des structures actuelles du pouvoir social et politique. Il conclut parquelques réflexions sur ce que la pandémique nous enseigne sur les transformations de la vie urbaine qui seraientbénéfiques dans une ère post-pandémique.ste artigo analisa as condições sociais e políticas que fizeram da América Latina um epicentro global da pandemia em 2020-2021. Aborda a questão dos impactos dos padrões de urbanismo no desenvolvimento da pandemia, considerando hierarquias urbanas, relações interurbanas e relações entre cidades e interiores rurais, além da estruturação das desigualdades socioespaciais nas cidades metropolitanas, as consequências dos altos níveis de informalidade econômica e formas de governança e conjunturas políticas. Adotando a perspectiva de Boaventura Santos de que a pandemia é uma crise adicional somada a mais de quatro décadas de crise ligada ao domínio do capitalismo neoliberal financeirizado, o artigo investiga indícios de que a pandemia fortaleceu movimentos em busca de alternativas, discutindo as possibilidades e limitações de formas de resiliência popular e resistência à luz das estruturas atuais de poder social e político. Conclui com algumas reflexões sobre o que a pandemia nos ensina sobre as transformações da vida urbana que seriam desejáveis em uma era pós-pandemia

SEGURANÇA HUMANA: uma meta viável

Este artigo parte de uma distinção entre políticas de segurança humana e políticas de segurança cidadã, no contexto de reestruturação e crise capitalista global, discutindo, especificamente, situações referentes ao Brasil e à cidade de Salvador, Bahia. Com base numa perspectiva antropológica sobre as dimensões do trabalho e renda, a reprodução social e as desigualdades sociais e as relações de poder, que condicionam os processos contemporâneos de desenvolvimento urbano, o autor, refletindo criticamente sobre as consequências da securitização dos problemas sociais, sustenta a necessidade de articularem-se políticas econômicas a políticas de segurança de forma a serem compensadas as tendências negativas do capitalismo contemporâneo, priorizando a segurança humana de todos, em lugar de uma segurança cidadã restrita a interesses ou preconceitos de parte da sociedade. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Securitização. Segurança humana. Desenvolvimento capitalista. Trabalho digno. Desigualdades sociais. Periferia urbana. HUMAN SECURITY: a feasible goal? John Gledhill This article begins with a distinction between human security policies and citizen security policies within the context of restructuring and the global capitalist crisis, discussing specifically situations Brazil and in the city of Salvador, Bahia. Based on an anthropological perspective on the dimensions of labor and income, social reproduction and social inequalities and the relationships of power which condition the contemporary processes of urban development, the author, making a critical reflection about the consequences of the securitization of social problems, supports the need for the articulation of economic and security policies in order to compensate the negative trends of capitalism today, giving priority to human safety for everyone, instead of a citizen safety restricted to the interest or prejudices of society. KEY WORDS: Securitization. Human security. Capitalist development. Decent work. Social inequalities. Urban periphery. LA SÉCURITÉ HUMAINE: un objectif viable? John Gledhill Le point de départ de cet article est de faire la différence entre politiques de sécurité humaine et politiques de sécurité du citoyen, dans le cadre de la restructuration et de la crise capitaliste mondiale. On y analyse plus spécifiquement les situations concernant le Brésil et la ville de Salvador-Bahia. C’est dans une perspective anthropologique concernant les dimensions du travail et des revenus, la reproduction sociale, les inégalités sociales et les relations de pouvoir, facteurs qui conditionnent le processus contemporain de développement urbain, que l’auteur fait une analyse critique des conséquences de sécuritisation des problèmes sociaux. Il affirme qu’il est absolument nécessaire de faire le lien entre les politiques économiques et les politiques de sécurité afin de pouvoir contrebalancer les tendances négatives du capitalisme contemporain, privilégiant la sécurité humaine pour tous au lieu d’une sécurité du citoyen limitée à des intérêts ou à des préjugés de la société. MOTS-CLÉS: Sécuritisation. Sécurité humaine. Développement capitaliste. Travail digne. Inégalités sociales. Périphérie urbaine. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh  Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.b

Aspects of the development of Dutch consonantal spelling On the evidence of grammarians, lexicographers, and the principle variants of printed books, from Middle Dutch to the present day

A survey of the rules for consonantal usage in the various spelling systems advocated by grammars, spelling handbooks, dictionaries and commentators, together with the main usages of representative writers in most periods. Although the rules of grammars and the usage of contemporary writers by no moans always coincide, it is usually possible to observe certain trends in the development of various spellings, and in some cases to identify the source of particular variants. Many of the works named add little but mere support for an established usage, some are sincere and rational pleas for improvement, some are excentric in certain of their ideas. Yet it is noticeable in most periods where there is no official spelling that the majority of grammarians present the basis of a potentially viable system, although almost invariably drawing back from applying their rules consistently in all cases. The overall development of the spelling rules follows the evolution from the Middle Dutch period, with its largely phonetic system, through the rise of the "gelijkvormigheid" spelling from the 15th century, ousting the phonetic system by the mid 17th century, and the classical period, under strong French influence, where the influence of derivation and word interrelationships affected the relative purity of most previous systems, to the increase in philological study in the 19th century bringing the introduction of historical elements into the spelling, and the reaction against this since the end of the century. Since then there has been pressure for the change to a phonetically based system, tempered by the contemporary study of phonemics. All these trends can be seen both advocated and attacked by contemporary grammatical commentators. From their comments much detail emerges both on the motivation of this evolution, and on the dependency of some works on certain of their predecessors

Strategies in Translation: a Comparison of the Helen Lowe-Porter and David Luke Translations of Thomas Mann's Tonio Kröger, Tristan and Der Tod in Venedig within the Context of Contemporary Translation Theory

Zusammenfassung Thomas Manns drei Geschichten Tonio Kröger, Tristan und Der Tod in Venedig werden mit deren Übersetzungen von Helen Lowe-Porter und David Luke verglichen. Aus dem Vergleich lässt sich feststellen, dass Lowe-Porters Übersetzungen gravierende Fehler aufzeigen, während die von Luke im Grunde genommen zuverlässig sind. Auch die Lukeschen Übersetzungen scheitern aber, wenn sie mit den poetischen, philosophischen und humoristischen Aspekten Thomas Manns Prosa konfrontiert sind. Anhand vieler Beispiele werden alternative literarische Übersetzungsstrategien diskutiert, die zu einer neuen Übersetzungstheorie führen: dem strategischen Ansatz. Auf Wittgensteins Sprachspieltheorie basierend wird der Begriff Treue (wortgetreu) neu definiert. Bei diesem Ansatz spielt die Übersetzung dasselbe Sprachspiel wie bei dem Ausgangstext. Summary Thomas Mann's three stories Tonio Kröger, Tristan and Der Tod in Venedig are compared with the translations by Helen Lowe-Porter and David Luke respectively. From the comparison, it emerges that Lowe-Porter's translations are deeply flawed whereas those of Luke are generally reliable. However, even Luke's translation fails to capture the literary, philosophical and humorous aspects of Thomas Mann's prose. Alternative literary strategies are discussed, leading to the development of a new theory of translation: the strategic approach. This redefines the traditional concept of fidelity and is based on Wittgenstein's language game theory. In this approach, the translation plays the same language game as the source text