Abgeschoben aus dem eigenen Land: Innerdeutsche Ausweisungen in der Weimarer Republik

Ausweisungen können weitere politische Funktionen einnehmen, die über die staatliche Steuerung von Migration hinausgehen. Wie wir in diesem Aufsatz anhand zweier Sondertypen von Ausweisungen zeigen, können solche Maßnahmen gerade in Phasen staatlicher Konsolidierung und bei der Überlappung von Souveränitätsansprüchen als politisches right-peopling auftreten. In diesem Kontext untersuchen wir die Rolle von Ausweisungen während der kritischen Phase der deutschen Nationalstaatsbildung nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg. Für die 1920er-Jahre analysieren wir einerseits Ausweisungen von Deutschen aus anderen Landesteilen durch deutsche Landesbehörden (etwa von Württembergern aus Baden), andererseits Ausweisungen von Deutschen aus dem besetzten Rheinland durch die alliierten Besatzungsbehörden. Mit Bezug auf aktuelle Debatten um Illegalisierung und deportability von Migrant*innen betrachten wir Beispiele aus regional- und rechtshistorischen Quellen der Weimarer Republik. So zeigen wir, wie Ausweisungen sozialpolitische und ethnisch-exklusive Ziele hatten, aber auch zu einer Stärkung staatlicher Institutionen und zu einer nationalistischen Identifikation mit dem Deutschen Reich nach dem verlorenen Krieg führten.Expulsions not only assume key roles in states’ efforts to control, regulate, and channel migration movements; they also have a variety of additional political functions. In this article, we examine two particular expulsion practices and show that they are used in processes of political 'right-peopling', especially in times of state consolidation and competing claims of state sovereignty. In this context, we investigate the role of expulsions in the crucial phase of German nation-building following the First World War. Our analysis of expulsion practices in interwar Germany focuses on the expulsions of Germans from individual German states by regional authorities (e.g. Wuerttemberg Germans who were expelled from Baden) as well as on expulsions of Germans from the occupied Rhineland ordered by the Allied occupation authorities. We assess regional and legal sources from German archives through the lens of current debates on the illegalisation and 'deportability' of migrants. Drawing on case studies, we show that expulsions were used not only to realise socially and ethnically exclusionary policies but also to stabilise state institutions. We argue that the reaction to some of these practices led to a new nationalist identification with the German Reich of the Weimar Republic

Feeling Political

Historicizing both emotions and politics, this open access book argues that the historical work of emotion is most clearly understood in terms of the dynamics of institutionalization. This is shown in twelve case studies that focus on decisive moments in European and US history from 1800 until today. Each case study clarifies how emotions were central to people’s political engagement and its effects. The sources range from parliamentary buildings and social movements, to images and speeches of presidents, from fascist cemeteries to the International Criminal Court. Both the timeframe and the geographical focus have been chosen to highlight the increasingly participatory character of nineteenth- and twentieth-century politics, which is inconceivable without the work of emotions

Social Media Marketing : chances and risks for modern sport marketing using the example of the European Handball Championship in Poland 2016

Intention der vorliegenden Bachelorarbeit ist es, herauszufinden und zu analysieren, welche Chancen und Risiken bei der modernen Vermarktung im Sport entstehen können und ob sich in Zukunft Social Media Marketing, als dominierende Marketingform im Sport, durchsetzen kann. Begleitend zum Ergebnis wird eine Befragung zum Thema Social Media Marketing im Handball durchgeführt, das heißt es handelt sich um eine empirisch durchgeführte Bachelorarbeit im Marketingbereich. Die Fragestellung wird anhand der Handball EM in Polen 2016 veranschaulicht und ist nach der Diskussion zu dem Ergebnis gekommen, dass die Chancen für eine moderne Vermarktung im Sport mithilfe von Social Media Marketing in ihrer Aussagekraft überwiegen und eine gute Möglichkeit bieten, den deutschen Handball in Zukunft besser zu vermarkten. Wichtig ist, dass das erfolgreiche Sportereignis, die vergangene Handball EM mit ihren Spielern, als Ansatzpunkt verwendet wird, um die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Sportart lenken zu können. Diese Arbeit ist sowohl für Studierende im Bereich Sportmanagement und Vermarktung, als auch für Lehrende im Bereich Social Media Marketing und Sportvereine, sowie Vertretern des deutschen Handballbunds hilfreich und zugänglich

Learning from Defeat. The French Occupation of Germany after two World Wars

In 1945, at the end of more than thirty years of violent conflict and occupation in Western Europe, France and Germany were on the verge of a new occupation. This time, France returned to south-west Germany, but this would prove to be the last occupation between the two countries. In 1955, at the occupation’s end, the foundations were laid for a united Europe anchored in the economic collaboration of the member states of the European Coal and Steel Community, with France and West Germany at its heart.Why did the long history of violent conflict between the two countries end with this last occupation? Historians searching for reasons to explain the end of this cycle of violence have pointed to the French policies in occupied Germany, to common institutions, and to the efforts of French intellectuals acting as mediators between France and Germany. Most of the studies on Europeanization or Western integration, with France and Germany at the center, begin in 1945 and tell a teleological story of reconciliation. The occupation is seen as a first step towards the institutionalized French and German state friendship, culminating in the Elysée Treaty.My dissertation offers a new explanation for the end of the cycle of violence between France and Germany, arguing that the dual defeat of France and Germany in 1945 was necessary to end the long history of conflict. In other words, the rapprochement of the post-1945 era can only be explained by the entangled histories of French and German occupations since 1914. Only at the moment when France and Germany were vanquished did they begin to reflect on the causes of this catastrophic defeat. The legacy of this dark pre-history hovered over the French occupation of Germany. The first chapter addresses the presence of former Vichy administrators in high positions of the French occupation administration. Morally tainted by their allegiance to Pétain’s state, they could not remain in their positions in France, but they had the experience to govern a country and they had already collaborated with the Germans. These administrators were thus dispatched to the French occupation zone to build up and control a freshly defeated Germany, working in an amalgam with seasoned resisters. The presence of tainted Vichy administrators in the French administration led to a more lenient denazification strategy in occupied Germany.In the second chapter, I show how past experiences with violent conflict fed into expectations about continued violence during the upcoming occupation of Germany. The French army and administration expected a German resistance similar to their own resistance against the German occupation during World War II. This chapter illustrates that experiences with former occupations could be misleading – with serious consequences: harsh reprisals for incidents perceived as German resistance were reminiscent of a wartime, rather than a peacetime, occupation and thus prolonged the war well into the period after May 8, 1945. The French experience with resistance thus actually hindered a reconciliation between France and Germany. What would become the last occupation between the two countries was therefore not just the beginning of a peaceful period of reconciliation, but rather the last violent episode in a longer history of mutual wars and occupations since at least 1914. This chapter also demonstrates how members of the occupying forces used the expectation of German resistance for their own ends: to prolong their stay in a peaceful Germany.Postwar Germans also viewed French rule after 1945 in the light of previous occupations, as the third chapter demonstrates. While there was no active resistance against the allied troops, three groups of Germans feared persecution due to their “collaboration” with the French occupying forces: German administrators helping to implement French orders, German women having relationships with French soldiers, and so-called “neo-separatists” trying to revive the separatist movement of the interwar period. The post-1945 occupation also aimed at correcting past mistakes. The French army and administration therefore sought to avoid a nationalist backlash against them, as had happened in the interwar period when the occupation army had supported the separatists. After 1945, the French army and administration were therefore reluctant to support those “neo-separatists” and tacitly accepted a revived German nationalism in opposition to the separatist movement.Finally, the French army and administration tried to avoid the impression that they subjected postwar Germans to colonial rule. Chapter four argues that in 1945, the French army and administration did not revert to colonial ruling strategies or the employment of colonial troops precisely because of their experience in the 1920s. The French army thus purged their ranks of colonial soldiers twice, in 1944 of sub-Saharan troops and in 1946/47 of the remaining colonial soldiers from North Africa. The French administration also sought to eliminate “colonial” behavior by the members of the French occupying forces in Germany. Allies and Germans alike referenced alleged colonial rule within Europe in an attempt to criticize and delegitimize French rule in Germany. Instead of drawing references to the French colonial empire, the orientation of French rule in Germany after 1945 was exclusively European, and in particular Franco-German. The long history of mutual French and German conflicts thus remained the frame of reference for historical learning, not the colonial empire. My dissertation contributes to the historiography of postwar Europe by studying transfers of experience from one occupation to the next. It puts the history of the emergence of European integration in a longue durée perspective and helps us to understand the importance of learning from the past for political decision making in the present

Introduction: The Global 1970s from a History of Emotions Perspective

International audienceThe 1970s have been identified through a range of emotional markers. This special issue critically analyzes the emotional history of this decade through a global perspective. In doing so, the contributions in this issue consider the different registers and scales at which emotions were experienced, perceived, and discussed. Drawing on discussions of gay liberation struggles in Latin America, decolonial movements in Palestine, the New International Economic Order, the North American Left, and forms of post-imperialist belonging in New Zealand and Australia, we detail how new emotional communities were produced and how distinct emotionalities were shaped in conjunction with shifting global politics

Feeling Political

International audienc

Feeling political:emotions and institutions since 1789

Historicizing both emotions and politics, this open access book argues that the historical work of emotion is most clearly understood in terms of the dynamics of institutionalization. This is shown in twelve case studies that focus on decisive moments in European and US history from 1800 until today. Each case study clarifies how emotions were central to people’s political engagement and its effects. The sources range from parliamentary buildings and social movements, to images and speeches of presidents, from fascist cemeteries to the International Criminal Court. Both the timeframe and the geographical focus have been chosen to highlight the increasingly participatory character of nineteenth- and twentieth-century politics, which is inconceivable without the work of emotions