Psycholinguistic and neurolinguistic investigations of scalar implicature

The present study examines the representation and composition of meaning in scalar implicatures. Scalar implicature is the phenomenon whereby the use of a less informative term (e.g., some) is inferred to mean the negation of a more informative term (e.g., to mean not all). The experiments reported here investigate how the processing of the implicature-based aspect of meaning (e.g., the interpretation of some as meaning not all) differs from other types of meaning processing, and how that aspect of meaning is initially realized. The first three experiments measure event-related potentials (ERPs) to examine whether inferential pragmatic aspects of meaning are processed using different mechanisms than lexical or combinatorial semantic aspects of meaning, and whether inferential aspects of meaning can be realized rapidly. Participants read infelicitous quantifiers for which the semantic meaning (at least one of) was correct with respect to the context but the pragmatic meaning (not all of) was not, compared to quantifiers for which the semantic meaning was inconsistent with the context and no additional pragmatic meaning is available. Across experiments, quantifiers that were pragmatically inconsistent but not semantically inconsistent with the context elicited a broadly distributed, sustained negative component. This sustained negativity contrasts with the N400 effect typically elicited by nouns that are incongruent with their context, suggesting that the recognition of scalar implicature errors elicits a qualitatively different ERP signature than the recognition of lexico-semantic errors. The effect was also distinct from the ERP response elicited by quantifiers that were semantically inconsistent with a context. The sustained negativity may reflect cancellation of the pragmatic inference and retrieval of the semantic meaning. This process was also found to be independent from lexico-semantic processing: the N400 elicited by lexico-semantic violations was not modulated by the presence of a pragmatic inconsistency. These findings suggest there is a dissociation between the mechanisms for processing combinatorial semantic meaning and those for inference-based pragmatic meaning, that inferential pragmatic meaning can be realized rapidly, and that the computation of meaning involves continuous negotiation between different aspects of meaning. The next set of experiments examined how scalar implicature-based meanings are realized initially. Default processing accounts assume that the interpretation of some of as meaning not all of is realized easily and automatically (regardless of context), whereas context-driven processing accounts assume that it is realized effortfully and only in certain contexts. In two experiments, participants' self-paced reading times were recorded as they read vignettes in which the context did or did not bias the participants to make a scalar inference (to interpret some of as meaning not all of). The reading times in the first experiment suggested that the realization of the inference was influenced by the context: reading times to a target word later in the vignette were facilitated in contexts in which the scalar inference should be realized but not in contexts where it should not be realized. Importantly, however, reading times did not provide evidence for processing cost at the time the inference is realized, contrary to the predictions of context-driven processing accounts. The results raise the question of why inferencing occurs only in certain contexts if it does not involve extra processing effort. In the subsequent experiment, reading times suggested that the inference may not have been realized when participants engaged in a secondary task that increased processing load. These results, together with the results of other recent experiments, suggest that inferencing may be effortless in certain contexts but effortful with other contexts, and not computed at all in still other contexts, depending on the strength of the bias created by the context. These findings may all be accountable for under a recently-proposed constraint-based processing model of scalar implicature

Online processing of scalar implicatures in Chinese as revealed by event-related potentials

During sentence processing, whether pragmatic information is integrated immediately and automatically or at a delay is a subject of debate in experimental pragmatics. One test case is that of scalar implicatures, which occur in statements like "some of the students are hardworking", which have both a logical meaning ("at least one is hardworking") and a pragmatic meaning ("not all of them are hardworking"). Default processing accounts hold that the pragmatic meaning of some comes online immediately and effortlessly, whereas context-based processing accounts propose that this meaning is not generated until after the logical meaning. Previous event-related potential (ERP) studies on scalar implicatures typically investigated critical words downstream of the quantifier and were thus not able to address the possibility of immediate construction of scalar interpretations at the moment the quantifier is encountered. Furthermore, effects of lexico-semantic processing and real-world context make it difficult to interpret effects observed in these studies. The present study adopts a picture-sentence design to make the violation immediately detectable when the quantifier is read and to control the context in which the sentence is understood. Participants saw pictures in which several characters are either performing the same activity or different activities, followed by sentences using "some" or "all", yielding a 2x2 design including both pragmatic violations ("some" sentences after "all" pictures) with matched controls, and purely incorrect assertions ("all" sentences after "some" pictures) with matched controls. Crucially, the pragmatic violation cannot be recognized as a violation until after the pragmatic meaning of some is computed. Pragmatic violations and purely logic violations elicited an early N400 effect and a right-lateralized negativity in the 600-900 ms time window, whereas purely logic violations elicited qualitatively different effects in at least the late time window. These results demonstrate that the pragmatic meaning of some, which relies on the generation of a scalar implicature, is available to the processor immediately; furthermore, they show that errors based on pragmatic expectations and errors based purely on logic elicit qualitatively different electrophysiological responses. I conclude that these findings are consistent with a default processing account, although they do not rule out a context-driven account

The role of phonological alternation in speech production: evidence from Mandarin tone sandhi

We investigate the role of phonological alternation during speech production in Mandarin using implicit priming, a paradigm in which participants respond faster to words in sets that are phonologically homogeneous than in sets that are phonologically heterogeneous. We test whether priming is obtained when words in a set share the same tones at the underlying level but have different tones at the surface level-i.e., when the set includes a word that undergoes a phonological alternation which changes the tone. Sets that are heterogeneous at the surface level (in which the heterogeneity is due to a phonological operation) failed to elicit priming, as did sets that are heterogeneous at the underlying and surface levels (in which the heterogeneity is due to the lexical representations). This finding suggests that the phonological alternation was computed before the initiation of articulation, offering evidence that the progression from underlying phonological representations to articulatory execution may be mediated online by phonological input-to-output mapping. Furthermore, sets of words that are heterogeneous only at the surface level showed a different trend than sets of words that are heterogeneous at both levels, suggesting that both the surface and underlying levels of representation play a role during speech production.The authors would like to thank the members of the University of Kansas Phonetics & Psycholinguistics Laboratory (KUPPL) and participants in the 2012 Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages for feedback on this research. We would also like to thank Xiaolin Zhou for providing facilities at the Center for Brain and Cognitive Science (Peking University) for data collection

"Maybe" not all scalar implicatures are created equal

Most previous neurolinguistic experiments on scalar implicature have focused on the scale. We examined the processing of the scale using EEG and MEG. Participants read the word "maybe" in correct contexts, semantically incorrect contexts (where only "definitely not" would have been true), and pragmatically infelicitous contexts (where "definitely" was true). Both violations elicited N400 effects, the effects differed in a late time window (suggesting that the brain was sensitive to different types of meaning, semantic and pragmatic). These findings do not replicate EEG findings on , suggesting that different types of scalar inferences may be processed differently

Double-blind reviewing and gender biases at EvoLang conferences

A previous study of reviewing at the Evolution of Language conferences found effects that suggested that gender bias against female authors was alleviated under double-blind review at EvoLang 11. We update this analysis in two specific ways. First, we add data from the most recent EvoLang 12 conference, providing a comprehensive picture of the conference over five iterations. Like EvoLang 11, EvoLang 12 used double-blind review, but EvoLang 12 showed no significant difference in review scores between genders. We discuss potential explanations for why there was a strong effect in EvoLang 11, which is largely absent in EvoLang 12. These include testing whether readability differs between genders, though we find no evidence to support this. Although gender differences seem to have declined for EvoLang 12, we suggest that double-blind review provides a more equitable evaluation process

Pragmatic inferences modulate N400 during sentence comprehension: evidence from picture-sentence verification

The present study examines the online realization of pragmatic meaning using event-related potentials (ERPs). Participants read sentences including the English quantifier some, which has both a semantic meaning (at least one) and a pragmatic meaning (not all). Unlike previous ERP studies of this phenomenon, sentences in the current study were evaluated not in terms of their truth with respect to the real world, but in terms of their consistency with a picture presented before the sentence. Sentences (such as “The boy cut some of the steaks in this story”) were constructed such that either 1) both the semantic and pragmatic interpretations were true with respect to the preceding picture (when the boy in fact cut some but not all of the steaks); 2) neither interpretation was true (when the boy in fact cut none of the steaks); or 3) the semantic interpretation was true but the pragmatic interpretation false (when the boy in fact cut all of the steaks). ERPs at the object word, which determined whether the sentence was consistent with the story, showed the largest N400 effect for objects that made the sentence false, whereas they showed an intermediate effect for objects that made the sentence false under the pragmatic interpretation but true under the semantic interpretation. The results suggest that this pragmatic aspect of meaning is computed online and integrated into the sentence model rapidly enough to influence comprehension of later words

Large-scale replication study reveals a limit on probabilistic prediction in language comprehension

Do people routinely pre-activate the meaning and even the phonological form of upcoming words? The most acclaimed evidence for phonological prediction comes from a 2005 Nature Neuroscience publication by DeLong, Urbach and Kutas, who observed a graded modulation of electrical brain potentials (N400) to nouns and preceding articles by the probability that people use a word to continue the sentence fragment (‘cloze’). In our direct replication study spanning 9 laboratories (N=334), pre-registered replication-analyses and exploratory Bayes factor analyses successfully replicated the noun-results but, crucially, not the article-results. Pre-registered single-trial analyses also yielded a statistically significant effect for the nouns but not the articles. Exploratory Bayesian single-trial analyses showed that the article-effect may be non-zero but is likely far smaller than originally reported and too small to observe without very large sample sizes. Our results do not support the view that readers routinely pre-activate the phonological form of predictable words