Human Rights in an Unwritten Constitution

Human Rights in an Unwritten Constitutio

A Gender Study of the LIS Academics' Productivity in the UK

Understanding research productivity in higher education is an important issue because of the impact it has on both individual advancement and departmental planning and policymaking. To date most of the previous studies have recorded a gender imbalance in productivity especially in science and engineering fields. This study has chosen Library and Information Science (LIS), which is known to be a female dominant discipline, to investigate research productivity and compare its differences between men and women in the UK. This study also investigates the impact of institutional factors on the productivity of academics. With a quantitative approach, this study employs bibliometrics’ methods and techniques for data collection and develops two datasets of people and publications for the analysis. Productivity is measured by collecting the data related to the number of publications, number of citations and h-index of academics. In addition, this study also analyses the subject of the publications and the sub-disciplines that men and women are publishing in. Finally LIS men and women are compared against institutional factors such as affiliations, academic professional level and academic status. The results of the statistical analysis suggest that there are not statistically significant differences between LIS men and women academics’ productivity in the UK. The number of citations of the male academics at reader level is statistically significant compared to women. This has been explained by comparing men’s and women’s length of career in this discipline. This study also found that there is a tendency for men to collaborate more with other men than women while women collaborate with both men and women equally

[Commentary] Prejudice is about politics: a collective action perspective

In line with Dixon et al.'s argument, I contend that prejudice should be understood in broadly political rather than in narrowly psychological terms. First, what counts as prejudice is a political judgement. Second, studies of collective action demonstrate that it is in “political” struggles, where subordinate groups together oppose dominant groups, that prejudice can be overcome

Designed to fail : a biopolitics of British Citizenship.

Tracing a route through the recent 'ugly history' of British citizenship, this article advances two central claims. Firstly, British citizenship has been designed to fail specific groups and populations. Failure, it argues, is a design principle of British citizenship, in the most active and violent sense of the verb to design: to mark out, to indicate, to designate. Secondly, British citizenship is a biopolitics - a field of techniques and practices (legal, social, moral) through which populations are controlled and fashioned. This article begins with the 1981 Nationality Act and the violent conflicts between the police and black communities in Brixton that accompanied the passage of the Act through the British parliament. Employing Michel Foucault's concept of state racism, it argues that the 1981 Nationality Act marked a pivotal moment in the design of British citizenship and has operated as the template for a glut of subsequent nationality legislation that has shaped who can achieve citizenship. The central argument is that the existence of populations of failed citizens within Britain is not an accident of flawed design, but is foundational to British citizenship. For many 'national minorities' the lived realities of biopolitical citizenship stand in stark contradistinction to contemporary governmental accounts of citizenship that stress community cohesion, political participation, social responsibility, rights and pride in shared national belonging

Interaction of microbiology and pathology in women undergoing investigations for infertility.

BACKGROUND: Cases of endometriosis with no tubal damage are associated with infertility, suggesting an immunological rather than mechanical barrier to reproduction. Laparoscopy and falloposcopy results of clinically asymptomatic women undergoing investigation of infertility were correlated with the outcomes of microbiological screening for Chlamydia trachomatis, Mycoplasma pneumoniae, Mycoplasma hominis, ureaplasma species, Neisseria gonorrhoeae, Neisseria meningitidis and Chlamydia pneumoniae. METHODS: A total of 44 women presenting to a hospital IVF service for laparoscopic or laparoscopic/falloposcopic investigation of infertility provided endocervical swabs, fallopian tube washings, and peripheral whole blood for analysis. RESULTS: Of these 44 women, 15.9% (7) showed evidence of C. trachomatis infection as detected by either PCR or EIA serology. Of these 7 women, 5 (71%) had no or mild endometriosis and 2 (29%) had moderate or severe endometriosis. Of the remaining 37 women who showed no evidence of chlamydial infection, 15 (40.5%) had no or mild endometriosis. CONCLUSION: Women with infertility, but without severe endometriosis at laparoscopy, showed a trend towards tubal damage and a higher rate of previous C. trachomatis infection. Although not statistically significant, this trend would suggest that, where moderate to severe tubal damage is found to be the primary cause of infertility, C. trachomatis infection could be a likely cause for such tubal damage

Researching the riots

This commentary sets out an agenda for researching the riots that swept through English cities in 2011, and for exploring the broader issues raised by these events. Drawing inspiration from groundbreaking social and cultural geographies of the 1981 riots, and also from mappings and quantitative studies of the more recent disturbances, this paper sets out a framework for researching the riots, and underlines the importance of doing so. It concludes that while riots are traumatic experiences for many, they can also be opportunities, which effective research can help to realise, recasting these events as catalysts for change

The development of policing in Britain in the next five years.

The British police service is currently going through a radical transformation phase. The present Tory-led coalition government has set out an agenda to bring about drastic changes in policing. These proposed changes are unprecedented in the history of policing since 1829. The police service is governed by a tripartite arrangement of checks and balances laid down under the Police Act 1964. By this I mean that there are three key players in relation to police governance in Britain: the Home Secretary, the local police authority and the chief constable. The future of policing in the next five years is set out clearly by the Home Secretary, Theresa May MP, under the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Bill, which is currently being reviewed in the House of Lords. The recent phone hacking scandal has made it imperative for the British public to have a closer look at the police service in relation to proper accountability. There have been references to police corruption as far back as the era of 'parish constables', dating back to 1800, when it was alleged that police officers took bribes, got drunk whilst on duty and lacked moral credibility to protect and serve us (Critchley, 1978). In the seventies and eighties the British public was informed of another scandal involving members of Scotland Yard and criminal gangs in the East End of London. In this article, I shall argue that the issue of police corruption is not a new phenomenon. It is has been an ongoing issue that has haunted the police for over a century. This article is divided into three parts. In the first part of the article I present the following issues: the Metropolitan Police policing plan 2011-2014; the merits and demerits of the policing plan; tripartite police accountability and its shortcomings; democratic accountability and localisation of policing; the professionalisation of policing and the creation of the Police Body; review of police pay and benefits; and the impact of this on police officers' morale. In the second part of my article I present some of the criticisms levelled against the ongoing police reforms. I will look at the criticisms from both internal and external perspectives. By internal criticism, I mean police officers' opposition to the reforms. By external criticism, I mean criticisms from criminologists and members of the British public. In the third part of my article I made my position clear on where I stand in relation to the ongoing police reforms. I shall argue that the current ongoing job cuts in the police service are a disaster waiting to happen, and that our safety has been compromised by politicians. We are now living at the mercy of criminals and law breakers due to manpower shortage. We are all living witnesses to the ongoing public disturbances in Tottenham, Enfield, Brixton, Peckham, Walthamstow and Croydon, in London. The speed of the spread of these riots to other cities like Bristol, Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool occurred on an unimaginable scale. We all watched how difficult it was for the police to restore order and normality. Rioters looted and plundered goods and burnt down buildings as if no laws existed in our country. A complete breakdown of law and order put the lives of citizens at risk. My article makes a passionate appeal to the present coalition government to rethink the issue of reducing the numbers of police officers protecting us. I shall argue that we need more police officers in Britain not fewer. The level of anger and social discontent is higher than the government ever anticipated, partly because of economic hardship. My argument is that economic hardship is not an excuse to commit burglary, theft, arson, murder and criminal damage with intent to endanger life. Rioters are shameless opportunists, a bunch of hoodlums, criminals who have no place in any civilised society, who should be made to face the due process of law

The stop and search of minors: A 'vital police tool'?

Police stop and search powers have been widely criticized for the disproportionate manner in which members of black and ethnic minority communities are targeted. However, the use of such powers on minors in England and Wales has largely escaped comment, despite good evidence that such practices are harmful and counter-productive. Whilst data on the stop and search of under-10s and even toddlers has been reasonably widely reported by the mass media, there has been little interest in the welfare of older children who are subject to such police powers. Drawing on police data, qualitative research and information obtained through Freedom of Information requests, this article considers the relationship between potentially corrosive stop and search practices, young people’s use of public space and the question of vulnerability. It is concluded that policy and practice around the use of such powers should be amended to take account of the specific needs of individuals under the age of 18, and that children’s welfare should be a central consideration