5 research outputs found

    La política europea: ¿Un nuevo "issue" nacional?

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    La crisis económica parece haber renovado el papel de la Unión Europea, otorgándole una mayor presencia en la vida cotidiana de los ciudadanos. Este aumento de su presencia no ha traído una mejora de la valoración de los ciudadanos, sino todo lo contrario, un fuerte incremento de las actitudes críticas hacia su gestión de la crisis. Esta evolución parece anunciar cambios interesantes en el panorama español. El consenso pro-europeo existente en España desde los años ochenta estaría fracturándose, dando paso a la apertura de un nuevo eje de competición partidista. ¿Se han convertido las cuestiones relacionadas con la Unión Europea en un fenómeno infl uyente sobre el voto de los ciudadanos españoles? En este contexto, la política europea adquiere peso en la decisión de voto de los ciudadanos. Sin embargo, no todos los partidos están en la misma posición para responder a esta demanda. En defi nitiva, esta propuesta pretende contrastar si tener en cuenta a la Unión Europea hace que los ciudadanos voten de manera distintaThe economic crisis seems to have changed the role of the European Union, increasing its presence in the daily lives of citizens. The increased presence has not come accompanied by a better evaluation of the EU’s political outcome by citizens. On the contrary, it has given way to an increase in critical attitudes towards the institution. This evolution seems to announce interesting changes in the Spanish political arena. The pro-European consensus existing in Spain since the 1980s might be fracturing, which would lead to a new issue of competition between political parties. Is the EU a relevant phenomenon for Spanish citizens’ party choice? In this context, European politics acquire relevance in the voting decision of citizens. However, not all parties are in the same position to respond to this demand. All in all, this proposal tries to contrast whether citizens that took into account the EU voted differently to other citizen

    How long does it take to admit that you do not know? Gender differences in response time to political knowledge questions

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    [Abstract]: The implications of the persistent gender gap in political knowledge are a puzzle that the literature is still disentangling; and research has evidenced important differences in the way women and men respond to survey questions. We argue in this article that political knowledge survey items not only inform about differences in cognition but also about other latent traits related to gender stereotyping. Gender stereo-types around political knowledge push men to be knowledgeable but not so much women, which we expect to affect men and women's survey responses differently. To test this expectation, we explore response times of do not know answers to political knowledge items. Our results show that men, particu-larly those who declare being interested in politics, take longer than women to admit that they do not know the answer to political knowledge items.Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation(Spanish Government); CSO2012-32009Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (Spanish Government); PID2020115568RB-I0

    Tracing the Gender Gap in Political Interest Over the Life Span: A Panel Analysis

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    Despite recent advances in gender equality in political representation and the availability of resources, this article shows that there is a persistent gender gap in declared political interest over the life cycle. Using evidence from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), we track the gender gap through the life span of citizens. At age 15, there is already a substantial gender gap of 20 percentage points in the probability of respondents reporting being politically interested, pointing to gendered socialization processes as the key explanation for such differences. In the following 10 years, as people develop into adults and unravel their political orientations, the extent of the gender gap continues to grow by about 10 additional percentage points. Following these formative years, attitudes crystallize and so does the gender gap, remaining at the same size (around 30 percentage points of difference between women and men) over the life course. These findings suggest that the development of gender roles during early childhood is a crucial phase in the source of the gender gap, deserving further attention from scholars.Peer reviewe

    ¿Giran a la derecha? La ideología de los jóvenes españoles desde la consolidación de la democracia hasta hoy

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    Do young people place themselves on right-wing positions to a larger extent? There is a common wisdom about the natural left-wing ideology of youth, compared to adult individuals who would prefer more right lean positions. However, evidence about how age works to explain ideological preferences is scarce. In this article, we analyse how age affects citizens’ ideology paying attention to the life cycle effect, but also the cohort or generational effects, derived from the context when individuals were socialised. Empirical evidence from this article suggests that current youth, even if they keep on placing themselves on left-wing positions to a larger extent than adults, has moved to right-wing ideological positions compared to who were young and socialised during the sixties and seventies.¿Se ubican los jóvenes de hoy más a la derecha? Existe una creencia popular de que los jóvenes de ubican más a la izquierda que sus mayores. Sin embargo, hay poca evidencia empírica sobre cómo funciona la edad a la hora de entender la ideología de los individuos. En este artículo, tratamos de analizar cómo funciona la edad sobre la ideología de los ciudadanos teniendo en cuenta tanto el efecto de la edad en sí mismo, el efecto de ciclo vital; como el efecto cohorte o generacional, derivado de la socialización política. La evidencia de este artículo apunta a que los jóvenes de hoy, si bien se mantienen más a la izquierda que otros grupos de edad, tienen preferencias menos de izquierda que los jóvenes socializados en los sesenta y setenta
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