Repositorio Institucional Olavide
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    Reconstruction of the temple in the old Jesuit mission of Tamazula (1777-1813). Reflections of power and diocesan consolidation

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    The study of religious architecture in the north of New Spain has not yet been deep enough to be able to identify its characteristics, its influences, its appropriations and its exchanges within and outside this region. The reconstruction of the temple of the old Jesuit mission of Tamazula (1777-1813), located in the western highlands of the diocese of Durango, is an exceptional opportunity to increase the knowledge of religious architecture within the north of New Spain, due to the vast historical documentation located recently in the diocesan archive. In addition, this complex constructive enterprise reflects part of the political and economic interests of the inhabitants of Tamazula, as well as the diocesan authorities.El estudio de la arquitectura religiosa en el norte de la Nueva España no se ha profundizado lo suficiente para poder identificar sus características, influencias, apropiaciones e intercambios dentro y fuera de esta región. La reconstrucción del templo de la antigua misión jesuita de Tamazula (1777- 1813), ubicado en la serranía occidental del obispado de Durango, es una oportunidad excepcional para acrecentar el conocimiento de la arquitectura religiosa dentro del septentrión novohispano, debido a la vasta documentación histórica localizada recientemente en el archivo diocesano. Además, esta compleja empresa constructiva refleja parte de los intereses políticos y económicos que tuvieron los habitantes de Tamazula, así como, las auto ridades diocesanas.Área de Historia del Art

    Past, present and future of ERTEs as a damping mechanism for job destruction in the face of economic crises

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    Los ERTE se han convertido en un exitoso mecanismo de flexibilidad interna que, durante la crisis sanitaria del COVID-19, contribuyó a evitar la destrucción de millones de puestos de trabajo. Sin embargo, el origen de los mismo data del año 1980, y, aunque durante la crisis financiera del año 2008 trataron de potenciarse, su utilización en aquel momento fue muy limitada. Así, mediante la realización de un recorrido histórico a través de los principales cambios normativos de la figura, se pretenderá comprender por qué las medidas normativas adoptadas durante la pandemia en relación a los ERTE marcaron un antes y un después en su percepción por parte de los empresarios como una sólida alternativa frente al despido colectivo. Finalmente, se expondrá cómo la experiencia acumulada durante la crisis sanitaria ha sido empleada durante la reforma laboral de 2021 para dotar de un nuevo marco regulatorio más flexible y moderno a esta figura, como mecanismo crucial para enfrentar futuras crisis económicas.ERTEs have become a successful internal flexibility mechanism that, during the COVID-19 health crisis, helped prevent the destruction of millions of jobs. However, their origin dates back to 1980, and, although they were promoted during the 2008 financial crisis, their use at the time was very limited. Thus, a historical tour through the main regulatory changes of the figure will be made to try and understand why the regulatory measures adopted during the pandemic regarding ERTEs made a significant impact on their perception by businessmen as a solid alternative to collective dismissal. Finally, it will be exposed how the experience accumulated during the health crisis has been used during the 2021 labor reform to provide this figure with a new, more flexible and modern regulatory framework, as a crucial mechanism to face future economic crisesUniversidad Pablo de Olavid

    The labour legal institution of collective dismissal

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    El objeto de este estudio consiste en discernir si el papel que ostenta en la actualidad la autoridad laboral como órgano residual tutelador de la legalidad del expediente del procedimiento de despido colectivo, tras la desaparición de la autorización administrativa, ha contribuido a reducir o potenciar el control judicial, en cuanto a la constatación de las causas, y su concreción, y por ende, la seguridad jurídica y la celeridad del procedimiento a seguir, pues la mayoría de las resoluciones judiciales dictadas en esta materia, se han centrado en la negociación en el periodo de consultas, soslayando en cierto modo, la acreditación de las causas alegadas por el empresario en la decisión extintiva, especialmente cuando ha habido acuerdo en el periodo de consultas. En este sentido, cabría preguntarse si se han de corregir determinadas desviaciones que se han producido tras la desaparición de la autorización administrativa, pues el papel que debe cumplir en el periodo de consultas, a mi juicio, se ha desnaturalizado, al otorgar a este, un protagonismo relevante en la calificación de los despidos colectivos, infravalorando la concurrencia de la causa y sus consecuencias, y por ende, el enaltecimiento del cumplimiento de los requisitos formales como eje central del control judicial de los despidos colectivos, siendo el papel de la autoridad laboral en el procedimiento de despido colectivo, meramente instrumental.The purpose of this study is to discern whether the role currently held by the labour authority as a residual body that oversees the legality of the file of the collective dismissal procedure, after the disappearance of the administrative authorization, has contributed to reduce or enhance the control judicial, in terms of the verification of the causes, and their concretion, and therefore, the legal certainty and the speed of the procedure to follow, since the majority of the judicial resolutions dictated in this matter, have focused on the negotiation in the consultation period, avoiding in a certain way, the accreditation of the causes alleged by the employer in the termination decision, especially when there has been an agreement in the consultation period. In this sense, one might wonder if certain deviations that have occurred after the disappearance of the administrative authorization have to be corrected, since the role that must be fulfilled in the consultation period, in my opinion, has been distorted, by granting it, a relevant role in the classification of collective dismissals, underestimating the concurrence of the cause and its consequences, and therefore, the exaltation of compliance with formal requirements, as the central axis of judicial control of collective dismissals, being the role of the labour authority in the collective dismissal procedure, merely instrumental.Universidad Pablo de Olavid

    Opportunity recognition in academic spin-offs: a contingency approach

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    This paper analyses the factors that influence opportunity recognition of academic spin-offs from a contingency perspective. We focus on factors linked to the academic entrepreneur and propose that their relevance for explaining opportunity recognition in academic spin-offs depends on the context in which these firms operate: discovery (the necessary information for entrepreneurs to assess the new opportunities is available in the market) vs. creation (complete information about opportunity exploitation and the likelihood of achieving certain outcomes is not available in the market). Results obtained in a sample of 167 Spanish academic spin-offs show that, in a discovery context, academic entrepreneurs’ opportunity recognition is positively related to entrepreneurial self-efficacy, previous managerial experience, and access to academic and industry networks. In a creation context, only entrepreneurial self-efficacy and access to industry networks become critical to opportunity recognition, whereas previous managerial experience exerts a negative effect. Our results also show that the most relevant factor in a discovery context is previous managerial experience, while in a creation context, entrepreneurial self-efficacy is the most significant.Área de Organización de Empresa

    Yes, I’m an artist

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    O presente texto tem como objetivo refletir sobre a trajetória de um fazer artístico contado através do barro, ao longo da história de uma família de artistas, no Vale do Jequitinhonha, Minas Gerais, Brasil. O texto está organizado em três tópicos: em um primeiro momento, apresenta-se uma contextualização do Vale, buscando historicizar brevemente alguns elementos que contribuem para a sua identidade regional; em seguida, enfoca-se a entrevista com Andreia Andrade, artista ceramista e neta de uma das mais conhecidas artistas do Vale do Jequitinhonha, Izabel Mendes da Cunha. Para finalizar, será apresentada uma reflexão acerca da cerâmica no Vale sob diferentes óticas, principalmente do ponto de vista da identidade de gênero, como expressão da mulheridade, como uma arte prioritariamente feminina.The present text aims to reflect on the trajectory of an artistic practice told, through clay, throughout the history of a family of artists, in Jequitinhonha Valley, Minas Gerais, Brazil. The text is organized into three topics: at first, a contextualization of the Valley is presented, seeking to briefly historicize some elements that contribute to its regional identity; then, we focus on the interview with Andreia Andrade, ceramic artist and granddaughter of one of best known artists of the Jequitinhonha Valley, Izabel Mendes da Cunha. Finally, a reflection on ceramics in the Valley will be presented from different perspectives, mainly from the point of view of gender identity, as an expression of womanhood, as a primarily feminine art.Área de Historia del Art

    Appeal to the central american proletariat: The Mexican Liberal Party and its networks of support, 1905-1918

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    El artículo analiza las redes de apoyo del Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) en el territorio centroamericano, a partir de un estudio de diversas dimensiones de estas relaciones entre 1905 y 1918. En la primera sección se estudian las relaciones con Guatemala, partiendo del análisis de la lucha contra los regímenes autoritarios de Porfirio Díaz y Manuel Estrada Cabrera. En la segunda sección se analiza la visión geopolítica del PLM sobre Centroamérica a partir de un estudio del periódico Regeneración. En la tercera parte se estudian las relaciones concretas entre el PLM y grupos anarquistas en Costa Rica y Panamá, mostrando sus cambios y continuidades en el tiempo. El estudio utiliza una metodología transnacional relacionada con el campo de estudio de redes anarquistas internacionales. Se usan como principales fuentes de información la prensa anarquista, relatos biográficos y correspondencia diplomática.The article analyzes the networks that supported the Mexican Liberal Party (PLM) in Central America, based on a study of relations between 1905 and 1918. The first section studies ties to Guatemala based on an analysis of the struggle against the authoritarian regimes of Porfirio Díaz and Manuel Estrada Cabrera. The second section analyzes the geopolitical vision of the PLM with respect to Central America, based on a study of the journal Regeneración. The third section studies the concrete relations that existed between the PLM and anarchist groups in Costa Rica and Panama, showing both changes and continuities over time. The article uses a transnational methodology related to the study of international anarchist networks. The anarchist press, biographical accounts, and diplomatic correspondence are consulted as primary sources of information.Universidad Pablo de Olavid

    Sexual assault in protracted conflict. Right to intervene and duty to protect

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    Este articulo enfatiza en el uso de la agresión sexual como otra estrategia de guerra en los conflictos armados, demostrando su acusada persistencia como instrumento al servicio del terror que ha sido silenciado o invisibilizado a pesar de haber sido documentado en múltiples conflictos. Este articulo intenta responder a las motivaciones de la agresión sexual como estrategia y/o arma en los conflictos armados, demostrando su impacto tanto a nivel individual como colectivo en la sociedad agredida, matizando su aflicción además de física, psicológica sobre estas y observando si los resortes jurídico-penales contra la agresión sexual en los conflictos, respondidos por las autoridades y organizaciones que velan por los derechos humanos, son efectivos, puesto que tienen la obligación de intervenir y proteger.The main objective of this paper will be to analyse two key issues in the organisational framework of intelligence services. Its professiona lperformance and the parallel academic theoretical advance produced by the use of intelligence in different spaces, public and private, both in search of the reduction of uncertainty in order to help in decision-making. The results show, after analysing the work of one of Spain's leading experts on the subject, ProfessorDíaz-Matey, that these distortions affect both the functionality and the legitimacy of these bodies, demonstrating the need to seek structural changes beyond rudimentary classification and declassification procedures, which are an obstacle to the generation of scientific content in this respect.Universidad Pablo de Olavid

    Paper prepared for “Seminarios del IPP” -- Instituto de Políticas y Bienes Públicos, CSIC Madrid, 27 September 2023

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    This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon Europe research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement No. 101060836. Funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Research Executive Agency (REA) under the powers delegated by the European Commission. Neither the European Union nor the granting authority can be held responsible for them. A previous version of this paper was presented at Political Behaviour Colloquium (European University Institute, June 6, 2023). We thank all the participants for their valuable feedbackTexto revisado y actualizado de "Theorising gender voting gaps. Do 'feminism losers' vote for right-wing populist parties? " http://hdl.handle.net/10433/16588This paper presents a theoretical framework to help us understand voting for Right-Wing Populist Parties (RWPP) in a gendered way, including an explanation for the gender gap and why women vote for this kind of party. Women's vote for RWPP is considered a puzzle due to these parties' antigender discourse (among others, Dietze & Roth, 2020a; Spierings, 2020) and the subsequent assumption of scholars that women voting for RWPP vote against their own female interests. Most existent theories explain much better why men vote for RWPP than they can explain female vote. We aligned with the policy review Past, Present and Future of Democracy (European Commission, 2019: 10), which pointed out that "it is above all the electoral success of mostly right-wing populism which challenges the liberal dimension of representative democracies", and see the increasing electoral success of RWPP as the "organisational manifestations of a significant discontent of citizens" in which socioeconomic polarisation progressively intertwines with issues of cultural identity (20). The role of RWPP in channelling dissatisfaction with democracy, however, may have both negative and positive effects. The publication asks for better research on key aspects, particularly identifying the structural causes underlying RWPP's increasing electoral success. But critically, this policy review (European Commission, 2019), as most of the current literature, fails to recognise gender as a particular dimension of partisan competition, polarisation or as an explanatory variable of voting behaviour, even though the notable gender gap in voting for RWPP is rightly pointed out. We affirm that voting for RWPP cannot be satisfactorily explained if the gender gap is not thoroughly accounted for.Sociology Department - Pablo de Olavide UniversityPaper prepared for “Seminarios del IPP” Instituto de Políticas y Bienes Públicos, CSIC Madrid, 27 September 202

    Nem recatadas nem submissas: Relacionamentos com personagens femininas contados por jovens estudantes universitários limeños

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    La presente investigación indaga si los recientes movimientos de critica a las masculinidades hegemónicas han influido en las conductas y nociones de masculinidad de las nuevas generaciones. Se realizaron entrevistas a una muestra de 40 jóvenes universitarios de las universidades públicas y privadas más prestigiosas de la ciudad de Lima, Perú. Elegimos al medio universitario porque ha sido escenarios de la emergencia de un pujante movimiento feminista. Nos centramos en las relaciones con las mujeres más significativas en la vida de los varones: madres, hermanas, amigas y parejas. Los resultados de la investigación revelan cambios y permanencias. Las mujeres vistas por los jóvenes son independientes y han conquistado el espacio público a través de los estudios y el trabajo. No pocas de ellas critican el modelo de masculinidad tradicional. En cuanto a las permanencias: las madres siguen asociadas al cuidado del hogar y persisten nociones tradicionales sobre la feminidad (fragilidad, necesidad de protección) que legitiman formas de control. La identificación de masculinidad con iniciativa sexual, control de las mujeres y autoridad siguen vigentes. Una proporción de los jóvenes perciben estas ambigüedades y se muestra abierta al cambio. Una minoría se reafirma en nociones aprendidas y rechaza los movimientos que los confrontan.This research inquiries whether recent movements critical of hegemonic masculinities have influenced the behaviors and notions of masculinity of the new generations. Interviews were conducted with a sample of 40 young university students from the most prestigious public and private universities in the city of Lima, Peru. We chose the university environment because it has been the scene of the emergence of a thriving feminist movement. We focused on relationships with the most significant women in men's lives: mothers, sisters, friends and partners. The results find both changes and permanence. The women seen by the young people are independent and have conquered the public space. Not few of them criticize the traditional masculinity model. Regarding permanence: mothers continue to be associated with the care of the home and traditional notions of femininity (fragility, need for protection) that legitimize forms of control persist. The identification of masculinity with sexual initiative, control of women and authority is still in force. A proportion of young men perceive these ambiguities and are open to change. A minority reaffirms acquired notions and rejects movements that confront them.Esta pesquisa investiga se os movimentos recentes que criticam as masculinidades hegemônicas influenciaram o comportamento e as noções de masculinidade das novas gerações. As entrevistas foram realizadas com uma amostra de 40 jovens universitários das universidades públicas e privadas de maior prestígio da cidade de Lima, Peru. Escolhemos o ambiente universitário por ter sido o cenário do surgimento de um próspero movimento feminista. Nosso foco foi o relacionamento com as mulheres mais importantes na vida dos homens: mães, irmãs, amigas e parceiras. Os resultados da pesquisa revelam mudanças e permanências. As mulheres vistas pelos jovens são independentes e conquistaram o espaço público por meio dos estudos e do trabalho. Não são poucas as que criticam o modelo tradicional de masculinidade. Em termos de permanência: as mães ainda são associadas aos cuidados com o lar e persistem noções tradicionais de feminilidade (fragilidade, necessidade de proteção) que legitimam formas de controle. A identificação da masculinidade com a iniciativa sexual, o controle das mulheres e a autoridade ainda é válida. Uma parte dos jovens percebe essas ambiguidades e está aberta a mudanças. Uma minoria reafirma as noções aprendidas e rejeita os movimentos que as confrontam.Universidad Pablo de Olavid

    The meaning of work and its centrality in democratic societies: thought and action in Simone Weil

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    Para Simone Weil el trabajo bajo condiciones capitalistas de organización de la producción (con la utilización instrumental de las fuerzas productivas: maquinaria y tecnología, incluidas) se realiza a través de mecanismos de opresión institucionalizada, siendo la relación de trabajo un típica relación de poder/dominación social. De este modo, las fuerzas productivas (los medios) acaban por sustituir a los fines; a la par que los trabajadores son considerados como simples “factores productivos” (racionalidad instrumental). En estas condiciones de subordinación o sometimiento al poder del empresario la situación real de los trabajadores es la de pérdida de la libertad y de toda posibilidad de creatividad en el trabajo. Todo ello le conduce a Simone Weil a defender “un trabajo no servil”. En la sociedad industrial la forma del trabajo asalariado (condición proletaria) es generadora del desarraigo obrero. Es así, que la instauración generalizada de un “trabajo no servil” -no basado en el sometimiento y en la pérdida del sentido “espiritual” del trabajo-, debe suponer la supresión de la condición proletaria deshumanizada sustituyéndola por la condición de ciudadanía laboral respetuosa de la dignidad de la persona que trabaja. Este el sentido de una propuesta de “Estatuto del Trabajo” de contenidos reformistas radicales. Para ello el movimiento obrero debe organizarse a fin de crear unas nuevas bases de organización de la empresa y la mejora sistemática de las condiciones de trabajo. Piensa que no se puede avanzar exclusivamente en un solo país para alcanzar el avance social, debe fortalecerse el internacionalismo obrero de una manera más eficaz y coordinada, y a través de estrategias concertadas.For Simone Weil, work under capitalist conditions of production organization (with the instrumental use of productive forces: machinery and technology, included) is carried out through mechanisms of institutionalized oppression, being the work relation a typical relation of social power/domination. In this way, the productive forces (the means) end up substituting the ends; at the same time workers are considered as simple "productive factors" (instrumental rationality). In these conditions of subordination or submission to the power of the employer, the real situation of the workers is that of loss of freedom and of any possibility of creativity at work. All this leads Simone Weil to defend "a non-servile work". In industrial society the form of wage labor (proletarian condition) is the generator of workers' uprooting. Thus, the generalized establishment of a "non-servile work" - not based on submission and the loss of the "spiritual" sense of work - must suppose the suppression of the dehumanized proletarian condition, replacing it with the condition of labor citizenship respectful of the dignity of the person who works. This is the sense of a proposal for a "Statute of Labor" with radical reformist contents. For this, the labor movement must organize itself in order to create new bases for the organization of the company and the systematic improvement of working conditions. He thinks that progress cannot be made exclusively in a single country to achieve social progress, workers' internationalism must be strengthened in a more effective and coordinated manner, and through concerted strategies.Universidad Pablo de Olavid

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