(Re)politicizing inequalities: movements, parties, and social citizenship in Chile

Durante los 20 años posteriores a la transición democrática de 1989-1990, la política chilena se caracterizó por formas estables de representación política basada en partidos, niveles relativamente bajos de movilización social y un consenso tecnocrático en torno a un modelo de desarrollo neoliberal que generó rápidos y sostenidos, aunque altamente desiguales, patrones de crecimiento económico. Esta matriz sociopolítica fue desafiada, sin embargo, cuando cientos de miles de estudiantes y sus partidarios salieron a las calles para protestar contra las desigualdades educativas, mientras que un número menor de manifestantes se movilizó alrededor de una plétora de otras reivindicaciones laborales, ambientales y de derechos indígenas. Esta ola de protesta social se produjo en un contexto de creciente desvinculación de los ciudadanos chilenos de los partidos tradicionales y de las instituciones representativas, y perforó el aura de inevitabilidad y consenso que rodeaba el modelo económico del país. La oleada de protesta popular significó el fin de una era política pos-transición en Chile y el amanecer de una nueva época definida por la repolitización de las desigualdades sociales y económicas, incluyendo debates vigorosos sobre los pilares sociales del modelo neoliberal y el alcance de los derechos sociales de ciudadanía. El caso chileno arroja nueva luz sobre los procesos por los que las desigualdades llegan a politizarse o despolitizarse en diferentes contextos estructurales, institucionales e ideacionales.For 20 years following the 1989-1990 democratic transition, Chilean politics was characterized by stable forms of party-based political representation, relatively low levels of social mobilization, and a technocratic consensus around a neoliberal development model that generated rapid and sustained, albeit highly unequal, patterns of economic growth. This sociopolitical matrix was challenged, however, when hundreds of thousands of students and their supporters took to the streets to protest against educational inequalities, while smaller numbers of protestors mobilized around a plethora of other labor, environmental, and indigenous rights claims. This wave of social protest occurred in a context of growing detachment of Chilean citizens from traditional parties and representative institutions, and it punctured the aura of inevitability and consensus that surrounded the country's economic model. The groundswell of popular protest signified the end of a posttransition political era in Chile and the dawning of a new one defined by the repoliticization of social and economic inequalities, including vigorous debates about the social pillars of the neoliberal model and the reach of social citizenship rights. The Chilean case sheds new light on the processes by which inequalities come to be politicized or depoliticized in different structural, institutional, and ideational contexts

Wind tunnel balance

A flow-through balance is provided which includes a non-metric portion and a metric portion which form a fluid-conducting passage in fluid communication with an internal bore in the sting. The non-metric and metric portions of the balance are integrally connected together by a plurality of flexure beams such that the non-metric portion, the metric portion and the flexure beams form a one-piece construction which eliminates mechanical hysteresis between the non-metric and the metric portion. The system includes structures for preventing the effects of temperature, pressure and pressurized fluid from producing asymmetric loads on the flexure beams. A temperature sensor and a pressure sensor are located within the fluid-conducting passage of the balance. The system includes a longitudinal bellows member connected at two ends to one of the non-metric portion and the metric portion and at an intermediate portion thereof to the other of (1) and (2). A plurality of strain gages are mounted on the flexure beams to measure strain forces on the flexure beams. The flexure beams are disposed so as to enable symmetric forces on the flexure beams to cancel out so that only asymmetric forces are measured as deviations by the strain gages

Final Report of the Commission on Presidential Disability and the Twenty-Fifth Amendment

This Report examines the Twenty-Fifth Amendment to identify potential difficulties in presidential succession and makes recommendations

Changes in Producers’ Perceptions of Within-field Yield Variability Following Adoption of Cotton Yield Monitors

Precision Farming, Risk, Yield Monitor, Yield Variability, Yield Perceptions, Spatial Yield Distributions, Within Field Variability, Farm Management, Production Economics, Risk and Uncertainty, Q12, Q16,

Still the exception and not the rule: The populist radical right in Latin America

Sin duda, los partidos populistas radicales de derecha (PRR, por sus siglas en inglés) representan la familia de partidos populistas más numerosa. Sin embargo, en los 18 países que componen el subcontinente sudamericano solamente dos líderes parecen encarnar de manera rotunda esa ideología: Jair Bolsonaro en Brasil y José Antonio Kast en Chile. El objetivo de este artículo es examinar las razones detrás de la escasa proliferación de los prr en América Latina. En Europa occidental la emergencia de estos partidos se relaciona con una suerte de contrarrevolución silenciosa (Inglehart 1971; Ignazi 1992) en oposición a los valores posmateriales sobre los que muchos partidos tradicionales han convergido en décadas pasadas. Por el contrario, en América Latina los valores materiales son todavía de vital importancia debido a los altos niveles de desigualdad en la región. Además, en el artículo se demuestra que el único caso en el que un líder populista radical de derecha ha logrado conquistar el gobierno ha sido por la ocurrencia simultánea de tres factores que combinan la experiencia europea y las características del continente. Primero, la existencia de un discurso que politiza cuestiones como la seguridad y los valores tradicionales. En segundo lugar, el discurso nativista, que a diferencia de la mayoría de los partidos PRR en Europa occidental y EE. UU.-donde los excluidos son los inmigrantes-, se caracteriza por el hecho de que la discriminación es primero en contra de los pueblos nativos. Finalmente, la tercera característica es la construcción del apoyo sobre una identidad negativa en contra de la izquierda.Undoubtedly, populist radical right parties (PRR) represent the largest family of populist parties. However, in the 18 countries that make up the South American subcontinent, only two leaders seem to fully embody this ideology: Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil and José Antonio Kast in Chile. The aim of this article is to examine the reasons behind the scarce proliferation of PRRs in Latin America. In Western Europe the emergence of these parties is related to a sort of silent counter-revolution (Inglehart 1971; Ignazi 1992) in opposition to post-material values on which many traditional parties have converged in past decades. In contrast, in Latin America material values are still of vital importance due to the high levels of inequality in the region. Moreover, the article demonstrates that the simultaneous occurrence of three factors that combine the European experience and characteristics of the continent was the only reason one radical right-wing populist leader has been able to successfully rise to power in Latin America until today. First, the existence of a discourse that politicizes issues such as security and traditional values. Second, the nativist discourse, which unlike most PRR parties in Western Europe and the US -where the excluded are immigrants- is characterized by the fact that discrimination is mostly against native people. Finally, the third characteristic is the reliance on a negative identity against the left

Book Reviews

Reviews of the following books: The Fathers of the Towns: Leadership and Community Structure in Eighteenth-century New England by Edward M. Cook, Jr.; Voyages by Alfred T. Hill; The Indians of Maine and the Atlantic Provinces: A Bibliographical Guide by Roger B. Ray; Sunday River Sketches: A New England Chronicle by Martha Fifield Wilkin

Alcohol consumption and leukocyte telomere length.

The relationship between alcohol consumption and mortality generally exhibits a U-shaped curve. The longevity observed with moderate alcohol consumption may be explained by other confounding factors, and, if such a relationship is present, the mechanism is not well understood. Indeed, the optimal amount of alcohol consumption for health has yet to be determined. Leukocyte telomere length is an emerging quantifiable marker of biological age and health, and a shorter telomere length is a predictor of increased mortality. Because leukocyte telomere length is a quantifiable and objectively measurable biomarker of aging, we sought to identify the amount of alcohol consumption associated with the longest telomere length and least telomere length attrition. Among over 2,000 participants from two distinct cohort studies, we found no pattern of alcohol consumption that was associated with longer telomere length or less telomere length attrition over time. Binge drinking may reduce telomere length. Using telomere length as a marker of age and health, these data fail to demonstrate any benefits of alcohol consumption, even when consumed in moderation

Factors Influencing Adoption of Remotely Sensed Imagery for Site-Specific Management in Cotton Production

This research evaluated the factors that influenced cotton producers to adopt remote sensing for variable rate application of inputs. Farmers who were younger, more highly educated, had a larger farm operation, and were more technologically savvy were more likely to have adopted remote sensing.Crop Production/Industries, Research and Development/Tech Change/Emerging Technologies,

Evolutionary aspects of urea utilization by fungi

The higher fungi exhibit a dichotomy with regard to urea utilization. The hemiascomycetes use urea amidolyase (DUR1,2), whereas all other higher fungi use the nickel-containing urease. Urea amidolyase is an energy-dependent biotincontaining enzyme. It likely arose before the Euascomycete/Hemiascomycete divergence c. 350 million years ago by insertion of an unknown gene into one copy of a duplicated methylcrotonyl CoA carboxylase (MccA). The dichotomy between urease and urea amidolyase coincides precisely with that for the Ni/Co transporter (Nic1p), which is present in the higher fungi that use urease and is absent in those that do not. We suggest that the selective advantage for urea amidolyase is that it allowed the hemiascomycetes to jettison all Ni2+- and Co2+- dependent metabolisms and thus to have two fewer transition metals whose concentrations need to be regulated. Also, the absence of MccA in the hemiascomycetes coincides with and may explain their production of fusel alcohols