IEX-1 directly interferes with RelA/p65 dependent transactivation and regulation of apoptosis

The early response gene IEX-1 plays a complex role in the regulation of apoptosis. Depending on the cellular context and the apoptotic stimulus, IEX-1 is capable to either enhance or suppress apoptosis. To further dissect the molecular mechanisms involved in the modulation of apoptosis by IEX-1, we analysed the molecular crosstalk between IEX-1 and the NF-kappa B pathway. Using GST-pulldown assays, a direct interaction of IEX-1 with the C-terminal region of the subunit RelA/p65 harbouring the transactivation domain of the NF-kappa B transcription factor was shown. This interaction negatively regulates RelA/p65 dependent transactivation as shown by GAL4-and luciferase assay and was confirmed for the endogenous proteins by co-immunoprecipitation experiments. Using deletion constructs, we were able to map the C-terminal region of IEX-1 as the critical determinant of the interaction with RelA/p65. We could further show, that IEX-1 mediated NF-kappa B inhibition accounts for the reduced expression of the anti-apoptotic NF-kappa B target genes Bc1-2, Bcl-xL, cIAP1 and cIAP2, thereby sensitizing cells for apoptotic stimuli. Finally, ChIP-assays revealed that IEX-1 associates with the promoter of these genes. Altogether, our findings suggest a critical role of IEX-1 in the NF-kappa B dependent regulation of apoptotic responses. (C) 2007 Elsevier B.V All rights reserved

Turning round the telescope. Centre-right parties and immigration and integration policy in Europe

This is an Author's Original Manuscript of 'Turning round the telescope. Centre-right parties and immigration and integration policy in Europe', whose final and definitive form, the Version of Record, has been published in the Journal of European Public Policy 15(3):315-330, 2008 [copyright Taylor & Francis], available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi.org/10.1080/13501760701847341

Peer-provided Problem Management plus (PM+) for adult Syrian refugees: a pilot randomised controlled trial on effectiveness and cost-effectiveness

Aims Common mental disorders are highly prevalent among Syrian refugees. Problem Management Plus (PM+) is a brief, transdiagnostic, non-specialist helper delivered, psychological intervention targeting psychological distress. This single-blind pilot randomised controlled trial (RCT) on PM+ delivered by peer-refugees examined trial procedures in advance of a definitive RCT, evaluated PM+ 's acceptability and feasibility, and investigated its likely effectiveness and cost-effectiveness among Syrian refugees in the Netherlands.Methods Adult Syrian refugees (N = 60) with elevated psychological distress (Kessler Psychological Distress Scale (K10) score >15) and reduced pychosocial functioning (WHO Disability Assessment Schedule 2.0 (WHODAS) score >16) were randomised into PM+ in addition to care as usual (CAU) (PM+/CAU; n = 30) or CAU alone (n = 30). Primary outcomes were symptoms of depression and anxiety (Hopkins Symptom Checklist; HSCL-25) at 3-month follow-up. Secondary outcomes were pychosocial functioning (WHO Disability Assessment Schedule; WHODAS 2.0), symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (PTSD Checklist for DSM 5; PCL-5) and self-identified problems (Psychological Outcomes Profiles; PSYCHLOPS). Changes in service utilisation and time out of employment and/or adult education were estimated (adapted version of the Client Service Receipt Inventory; CSRI). Semi-structured interviews on the implementation of PM+ were conducted with stakeholders (i.e. six PM+ participants, five non-specialist helpers and five key informants).Results Recruitment, randomization and blinding procedures were successful. PM+ was generally perceived positively by stakeholders, especially regarding the intervention strategies, accommodation of the intervention and the helpers. Two serious adverse events not attributable to the trial were reported. At 3-month follow-up, the HSCL-25 total score was significantly lower for the PM+/CAU group (n = 30) than CAU group (n = 30) (p = 0.004; d = 0.58). Significant differences in favour of PM+/CAU were also found for WHODAS psychosocial functioning (p = 0.009, d = 0.73), PCL-5 symptoms of PTSD (p = 0.006, d = 0.66) and PSYCHLOPS self-identified problems (p = 0.005, d = 0.81). There were no significant differences in mean health service costs (p = 0.191) and the mean costs of lost productive time (p = 0.141). This suggests PM+ may potentially be cost-effective with an incremental cost from a health system perspective of €5047 (95% CI €0–€19 773) per additional recovery achieved.Conclusions Trial procedures and PM+ delivered by non-specialist peer-refugee helpers seemed acceptable, feasible and safe. Analyses indicate that PM+ may be effective in improving mental health outcomes and psychosocial functioning, and potentially cost-effective. These results support the development of a definitive RCT with a larger sample of refugees and a longer follow-up period

The effect of radical right fringe parties on main parties in Central and Eastern Europe : Empirical evidence from manifesto data

Do radical right fringe parties affect main parties in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? Using data from the Manifesto Project, we analyze the relationship between radical right fringe parties’ and main parties’ policy programs regarding sociocultural issues in six post-communist countries of CEE. Even though radical right fringe parties have participated in government in several of these countries, and in Hungary a fringe party has become the country’s second largest party, our analysis shows that the sociocultural issues in radical right fringe party manifestos do not systematically relate to the changes in main party manifestos regarding those issues. Even if some of the main parties in our study might often agree with the radical right fringe parties, our analysis shows that the latter do not directly influence the policy priorities of the main parties

A social role for churches and cultural demarcation:how German MEPs represent religion in the European Parliament

This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion–state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary questions during the seventh term of the European Parliament (EP), our study demonstrates that this model is represented in three dimensions. First, German MEPs reflect the close cooperation between the churches and the state in Germany, primarily on social issues, through largely church- and religion-friendly attitudes and relatively frequent contacts with religious interest-groups. Second, by referring to religious freedoms and minorities primarily outside the EU and by placing Islam in considerably more critical contexts than Christianity, German MEPs create a cultural demarcation line between Islam and Christianity through their parliamentary activities, which is similar to, though less politicised than, cultural boundaries often produced in public debates in Germany. Third, our study illustrates similar patterns of religious affiliation and subjective religiosity among German parliamentarians in both the EP and the national Parliament, which to some degree also reflect societal trends in Germany. Yet our data also suggest that European political elites are more religious than the average German population. If the presence of religion in terms of religious interest-groups and arguments is included, the EP appears to be more secularist than the German Parliament

Nostalgic nationalism, welfare chauvinism, and migration anxieties in Central and Eastern Europe

This contribution examines, in the Central and Eastern European context, the interplay between ideals of national specificity, welfare chauvinist appeals, and emerging politics of migration, for the purpose of providing welfare provision to a narrowly defined ethnic group, as promoted by right-wing populist parties in the region. We suggest a comparative framework to account the various positions that such parties occupy in the mainstream political systems in Central and Eastern Europe. Our study deals with the case of a right-wing populist party becoming the main governing force, such as the Law and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) in Poland; the case of a right-wing populist party as key opposition force, such as the Movement for a Better Hungary (Jobbik Magyarországért Mozgalom, Jobbik) in Hungary; and thirdly, the case of an unsuccessful right-wing populist party, such as the United Romania Party (Partidul România Unită, PRU). For our qualitative analysis we are drawing on the official discourses of these parties as articulated from 2015 onwards, since it marks the beginning of what has come to be referred to as the European refugee crisis. The aim of this chapter is to map out the various electoral strategies employed, with varying degrees of success, which juxtapose cultural protectionist appeals to welfare chauvinist proposals, and consequently shed light on the culture and welfare nexus in the Central and Eastern European context

Egg size-number trade-off and a decline in oviposition site choice quality: Female Pararge aegeria butterflies pay a cost of having males present at oviposition

Once mated, the optimal strategy for females of the monandrous butterfly, Pararge aegeria, is to avoid male contact and devote as much time as possible to ovipositing, as there is little advantage for females to engage in multiple matings. In other butterfly species the presence of males during egg laying has been shown to affect aspects of oviposition behavior and it has been suggested that repeated interference from males has the potential to reduce reproductive output. The aim of this study was to assess the effects of male presence during oviposition on reproductive output and behavior of a population of P. aegeria obtained from Madeira Island, Portugal, and maintained in the laboratory. Two experiments were performed where females were housed individually in small cages. Experiment 1 examined how social factors influenced the egg laying behavior of females. To do this the presence or absence of males was manipulated and egg size and number was measured over the first 14 days of oviposition. It was observed that when males were present during oviposition females made a trade-off between egg size and number. Experiment 2 examined how social factors affected oviposition site choice. Again, male presence/absence was manipulated, but in this experiment where the female laid her egg in relation to host quality was scored, and the size of the egg laid was measured. In the absence of males females selectively positioned their larger eggs on good quality host plants. However, selective oviposition was no longer observed when females were in the presence of males. We suggest that P. aegeria females from the Madeira Island population are adapted for a flexible oviposition strategy, governed by external cues, allowing a trade-off between egg size and number when the time available for egg laying is limiting

The Populist politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis: a framework for analysis

The European Union has been recently exposed to the multiple shocks of the Great Recession, the migrant crisis, and Brexit. Populist parties have been, either directly or indirectly, considered the principal beneficiaries of these crises in light of their Eurosceptic profiles. In this introductory article, we lay out the conceptual and analytical tools necessary to identify populist Eurosceptic actors, and systematically tackle the under-explored link between populist Eurosceptic framing and the unfolding of the different European crises. While we provide a framework to assess (alleged) changes in the framing of these parties, we also contend that these parties may have released effects in the political process by conditioning shifts in the positions on Europe of their mainstream competitors. In doing so, we define a set of possible interactive scenarios

The Cartel Party and the Rise of the New Extreme Right

Griffith Business School, School of Government and International RelationsNo Full Tex