What the EU could learn from Switzerland’s free trade agreement with China

Switzerland signed a free trade agreement with China in 2013, which came into force a year later. Marc Lanteigne writes on whether the Swiss experience could offer lessons for the EU. He argues that Switzerland’s success in negotiating a free trade agreement and building new financial links with Beijing illustrate some of the benefits that could be gained from the EU adding China to its own list of free trade partners

New Security Thinking or Balancing Europe?

In mid-2013, China’s increasingly positive policies towards United Nations peacekeeping reached a milestone when the country agreed to send a large detachment of personnel, including combat forces for the first time, to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali (known by its French acronym MINUSMA). This commitment was also distinct in that the mission was not in a region which represented direct Chinese economic interests, unlike other African peacekeeping missions in which Beijing has offered support. Rather, the Mali operation has both cemented Beijing’s larger commitment to building African partnerships and has demonstrated a marked contrast to the unilateral approach taken by France in pacifying the country. Although China has warmed to the principles of humanitarian intervention in civil conflicts, it retains a wariness towards peacebuilding operations outside the sponsorship of the UN. Therefore, the Mali operation has been beneficial for China, not only in building its peacekeeping credentials in Africa but also in underscoring China’s increasingly distinct, ‘neo-Westphalian’ views on addressing intervention in domestic conflicts

Reducing energy subsidies in China, India and Russia : dilemmas for decision makers

This article examines and compares efforts to reduce energy subsidies in China, India and Russia. Despite dissimilarities in forms of governance, these three states have followed surprisingly similar patterns in reducing energy subsidies, characterised by two steps forward, one step back. Non-democratic governments and energy importers might be expected to be more likely to halt subsidies. In fact, the degree of democracy and status as net energy exporters or importers does not seem to significantly affect these countries’ capacity to reduce subsidies, as far as can be judged from the data in this article. Politicians in all three fear that taking unpopular decisions may provoke social unrest.Publisher PDFPeer reviewe

‘The Loud Dissenter and its Cautious Partner' - Russia, China, global governance and humanitarian intervention

The global issue of humanitarian intervention has become more pronounced and complicated in recent years due to increasingly diverging views on addressing security crises between the West on one side and Russia and China on the other. Despite their support for the principles of ‘Responsibility to Protect' (R2P), both Russia and China are wary of Western intervention in internal conflicts after the Cold War and have become increasingly critical of Western-led armed intervention in humanitarian conflicts. Unease in Beijing and Moscow over the multilateral intervention in the 2011 Libyan conflict and their ongoing opposition to Western policies in the Syrian Civil War since 2011 would seem to point to ever more coincidence in their negative views of American and Western intervention policies. A conventional wisdom has thus emerged that there is something akin to a Sino-Russian ‘bloc', with near-identical policies of discouraging armed intervention within state borders under the aegis of humanitarian intervention or the R2P doctrine, signed in 2005 (2005 World Summit). However, closer examination of Russian and Chinese positions on the Libyan and Syrian conflicts, drawing on normative and identity perspectives, reveals significant differences in how both states address intervention in civil conflicts involving human rights emergencies. Indeed, the Libyan and Syrian cases suggest that the distance between the two states on ‘acceptable' policies toward international intervention in civil conflicts may actually be increasing. While Russia has assumed the role of the ‘loud dissenter' in global dialogs on humanitarian intervention, China has opted for the position of a ‘cautious partner

Homesteading in the Arctic: The Logic Behind, and Prospects for, Russia’s ’Hectare in the Arctic’ Program

Source at https://arcticyearbook.com/.Moscow launched its “Hectare in the Arctic” program in summer 2021, allowing Russian nationals to obtain a free hectare of land in the country’s northern regions. This plan is the latest attempt to address the chronic problem of outmigration and to attract new settlers to the Russian Arctic. Yet, multiple obstacles stand in the way of making the scheme a viable demographic solution. The primary obstacle to success with this program, we argue, is the logic that undergirds it. This article unpacks Moscow’s logic by applying Foucault’s “security, territory, population” analytical triad. We conclude that the program is Moscow’s reaction to perceived threats to Russia’s sovereignty in the Arctic, particularly the perceived “China threat” that has been brought on by warming relations between the two countries. This logic undermines the potential of the program by neglecting substantive consideration of the needs and socio-economic conditions for Arctic residents. Ultimately, this case illustrates the challenges and central policy contradictions that Putin’s regime faces in making the Russian Arctic an effective zone of economic growth

China's Developing Arctic Policies: Myths and Misconceptions

The Arctic and Far North regions of the world have grown in importance for China's international interests in recent years, and in 2013 China became an observer state in the Arctic Council. Beijing has sought to develop an Arctic policy based on scientific research and partnerships, including in the areas of environmental studies and climate change issues, as well as development and economic issues. As the Arctic gains more international attention due to the effects of ice melting and the possibility of the region becoming a new source of resources, concerns have been raised about a scramble for riches and economic advantages. China, as a rising political and economic power, has been subject to much scrutiny, especially from the West, about its emerging agenda in the Arctic region. Although China is not an Arctic state, the concerns are based on predictions that Beijing is seeking to play a stronger and perhaps even dominant role in the Arctic, and this has led to many misconceptions about China's Arctic policy. The result has been a "clash of identities" between Chinese and Western perceptions, and in order to understand why these diverging views have appeared, it is necessary to first examine the origins of "myths" about China's regional Arctic policies, and then examine their roles, using constructivist theory, before suggesting ways for both China and the international community to address this divergence

La lutte anti-insurrectionnelle : une étude comparative entre la guerre du Vietnam et la guerre d'Afghanistan

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal

Le dialogue inclusif sur l’éthique de l’IA : délibération en ligne citoyenne et internationale pour l’UNESCO

Cet article rend compte de la manière dont les organisations internationales pourraient s’approprier la démarche délibérative à l’occasion de leurs efforts de régulation éthique de l’IA en présentant le projet de la délibération internationale intitulée « Dialogue inclusif sur l’éthique de l’intelligence artificielle (IA) » (ODAI) menée par Algora Lab - Université de Montréal et Mila - Institut québécois d’intelligence artificielle. Ce projet délibératif portait sur le premier instrument normatif mondial en éthique de l’IA rédigé par l’UNESCO. L’ODAI se démarque par sa portée internationale, le nombre de personnes consultées et sa réalisation en ligne. Après une présentation du cadre méthodologique et théorique de la délibération sur l’éthique de l’IA, nous opérons une analyse critique du processus et nous proposerons finalement des recommandations pratiques pour de futures délibérations en éthique de l’IA.This article reports on how international organisations could appropriate the deliberative approach in their efforts to ethically regulate AI by presenting the meta-project. It presents the methodology and challenges related to the organisation of the international deliberation entitled "Inclusive Dialogue on the Ethics of Artificial Intelligence (AI)" (ODAI) conducted by Algora Lab - University of Montreal and Mila - Institut québécois d'intelligence artificielle. This deliberative project focused on the first global normative instrument on AI ethics drafted by UNESCO. The ODAI stands out for its international scope, the number of people consulted and its online implementation. After presenting the methodological and theoretical framework of AI ethics deliberation, we critically analyse the process and finally propose practical recommendations for future AI ethics deliberations.Este artículo da cuenta de cómo las organizaciones internacionales podrían apropiarse del enfoque deliberativo en sus esfuerzos por regular la ética de la IA presentando el metaproyecto. Presenta la metodología y los retos relacionados con la organización de la deliberación internacional titulada "Diálogo inclusivo sobre la ética de la inteligencia artificial (IA)" (ODAI) llevada a cabo por Algora Lab - Universidad de Montreal y Mila - Institut québécois d'intelligence artificielle. Este proyecto deliberativo se centró en el primer instrumento normativo mundial sobre la ética de la IA redactado por la UNESCO. La ODAI destaca por su alcance internacional, el número de personas consultadas y su aplicación en línea. Tras presentar el marco metodológico y teórico de la deliberación ética sobre la IA, analizaremos críticamente el proceso y, por último, propondremos recomendaciones prácticas para futuras deliberaciones sobre la ética de la IA