Clientélisme politique et exclusion sociale : le cas des Tsiganes en Grèce

Cet article a pour objectif de mettre en relation le clientélisme politique et l’exclusion sociale en analysant de quelle manière les biens demandés par le client, en échange de son vote ou de son soutien politique, caractérisent sa situation sociale et déterminent le type de la relation clientéliste. Les populations tsiganes en Grèce constituent le champ de recherche empirique de cette étude. Nous pouvons distinguer quatre types de relations entre les Tsiganes exclus et le système politique, relations qui expriment quatre niveaux d’exclusion sociale : l’absence de relation, la relation de la « récompense immédiate », la relation de la « protection attendue », et enfin, la relation de l’« intégration attendue ».In this article political clientelism is examined through the lens of the Greek Gypsy community. The author links the demands made by the Gypsy community (in exchange for political support) and the social situation of the "client". As such, the author presents four types of relationships between Gypsies and the dominant political system: the absence of a relationship; immediate reward; expected protection; and expected integration

Neglected sons of nationalism: ”Repatriated refugees” in Greece and in Germany

”Repatriated refugees”{1} , people forced to leave their region of residence for another country, which they believe to be their ”homeland”, offer a unique theoretical perspective within the wider framework of the study of nationalism. Being both refugees and repatriated, these populations can be seen as a product of the interaction between the imaginary character of nationalism and historical developments resulting in forced migration of population groups. Having suffered on the grounds of their belonging to the nation and contrary to their expectations and national myths of ”brotherhood”, their social, economic and political incorporation in the ”homeland” does not happen automatically, thus generating social and political dynamics that result in the refugees’ self-organisation and the expression of a special refugee identity vis-ŕ-vis the ”homeland” society and state. However, it is the very myth of belonging to the ”homeland”-nation that finally facilitates integration and shapes the ”homeland” identity in the long term.”Repatriated refugees”{1} , people forced to leave their region of residence for another country, which they believe to be their ”homeland”, offer a unique theoretical perspective within the wider framework of the study of nationalism. Being both refugees and repatriated, these populations can be seen as a product of the interaction between the imaginary character of nationalism and historical developments resulting in forced migration of population groups. Having suffered on the grounds of their belonging to the nation and contrary to their expectations and national myths of ”brotherhood”, their social, economic and political incorporation in the ”homeland” does not happen automatically, thus generating social and political dynamics that result in the refugees’ self-organisation and the expression of a special refugee identity vis-ŕ-vis the ”homeland” society and state. However, it is the very myth of belonging to the ”homeland”-nation that finally facilitates integration and shapes the ”homeland” identity in the long term