Comparative Analysis of Migrant and Refugee Integration in Greece

In Gree

Νεολαία και Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση: Στάσεις, Προσδιοριστικοί Παράγοντες και Διαγενεακές Δυναμικές

Η παρούσα έκθεση πραγματεύεται τις ελληνικές στάσεις απέναντι στην ευρωπαϊκή ολοκλήρωση, με ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στην νεολαία. Από τη λεπτομερή ανάλυση πρωτογενών δεδομένων εντοπίστηκαν διακριτές διαφορές μεταξύ των γενεών, ανάμεσα στα άτομα ηλικίας κάτω και άνω των 35 ετών, τόσο στην εξέλιξη όσο και στους προσδιοριστικούς παράγοντες των στάσεων απέναντι στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ).Πρώτον, οι νέοι Έλληνες είναι γενικά πιο θετικά διακείμενοι απέναντι στην ΕΕ και πιο αισιόδοξοι για το μέλλον της σε σύγκριση με τις ομάδες μεγαλύτερης ηλικίας. Η εθνική (ελληνική) τους ταυτότητα δεν έρχεται σε αντίθεση με την ευρωπαϊκή : και οι δύο συνυπάρχουν και είναι αμφότερα σημαντικές για το πώς οι νέοι αξιολογούν τις μελλοντικές προοπτικές τους. Αντιθέτως, ο βαθμός στον οποίο οι νέοι είναι ευχαριστημένοι συνολικά από τη ζωή τους στην Ελλάδα επηρεάζει, σε μεγάλο βαθμό, τον τρόπο που βλέπουν την ΕΕ.Δεύτερον, οι νέοι Έλληνες έχουν απόλυτη συνείδηση ​​των ελλείψεων της ευρωπαϊκής ενοποίησης, όπως αυτές εκδηλώθηκαν στον χειρισμό της οικονομικής κρίσης. Συγκεκριμένα, θεωρούν ότι η ΕΕ έχει επωφεληθεί δυσανάλογα από την ελληνική ένταξη και όχι το αντίστροφο και είναι επικριτικοί για τον χειρισμό της κρίσης τόσο από τις ελληνικές κυβερνήσεις, όσο και από την ΕΕ.Τρίτον, μολαταύτα, οι νέοι στην Ελλάδα αρνούνται να συμμετάσχουν σε παιχνίδια απόδοσης ευθυνών για το ποιός έκανε τί και πότε. Αντιθέτως, επικεντρώνονται σε συγκεκριμένες δημόσιες πολιτικές, αναμένοντας ότι η ΕΕ θα συνεχίσει να βοηθά τη χώρα τους στο χειρισμό διεθνικών προβλημάτων, όπως η κλιματική αλλαγή και η μετανάστευση, και υποστηρίζοντας  τις μεταρρυθμίσεις της ελληνικής δημόσιας διοίκησης σύμφωνα με τις βέλτιστες πρακτικές της ΕΕ.Τέταρτον, οι νέοι Έλληνες απέχουν πολύ από το εγωιστικό στερεότυπο της μεγιστοποίησης της ατομικής ωφέλειας. Η στάση τους προς την ΕΕ επηρεάζεται έντονα από αυτό που θεωρούν ότι είναι συμφέρον της χώρας και όχι από τις προσωπικές τους οικονομικές συνθήκες. Οι νέοι επίσης αποδέχονται εμφατικά την προσωπική ευθύνη για την αντιμετώπιση συλλογικών προβλημάτων.Τέλος, οι στάσεις για την ευρωπαϊκή ενοποίηση επηρεάζονται από πολύ συγκεκριμένους στόχους πολιτικής. Η υποστήριξη στην ΕΕ συμβαδίζει με θετικές στάσεις απέναντι στην ιδιωτική επιχείρηση, την επιχειρηματικότητα, τις πολιτικές υπέρ της ανάπτυξης, τη μείωση της ανισότητας και του αυταρχισμού. Εκείνοι που βλέπουν την κρίση ως ευκαιρία υποστηρίζουν την περαιτέρω ολοκλήρωση, έχοντας επίγνωση του γεγονότος ότι οι κρίσεις μας επιτρέπουν να επανεκτιμήσουμε λάθη του παρελθόντος και να χαράξουμε νέες προοπτικές για το μέλλον. Το κεντρικό συμπέρασμα της έκθεσης, οπως προκύπτει από τη διεξοδική ανάλυση πρωτογενών δεδομένων, είναι ότι οι καλές πολιτικές, και όχι μόνον η καλή πολιτική, αποτελεί τον αποτελεσματικότερο τρόπο για να εδραιωθεί η ευρωπαϊκή προοπτική της Ελλάδας.Institutions, Decisions and Collective Behaviou

Turning round the telescope. Centre-right parties and immigration and integration policy in Europe

This is an Author's Original Manuscript of 'Turning round the telescope. Centre-right parties and immigration and integration policy in Europe', whose final and definitive form, the Version of Record, has been published in the Journal of European Public Policy 15(3):315-330, 2008 [copyright Taylor & Francis], available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/doi.org/10.1080/13501760701847341

Beyond the security paradox:Ten criteria for a socially informed security policy

This article is based on a research that has been funded by the EU project “SurPriSe: Surveillance, Privacy and Security: A large scale participatory assessment of criteria and factors determining acceptability and acceptance of security technologies in Europe”, which received funding from the FP7 program, under the grant number: 285492.This article investigates the normative and procedural criteria adopted by European citizens to assess the acceptability of surveillance-oriented security technologies. It draws on qualitative data gathered at 12 citizen summits in nine European countries. The analysis identifies 10 criteria, generated by citizens themselves, for a socially informed security policy. These criteria not only reveal the conditions, purposes and operation rules that would make current European security policies and technologies more consistent with citizens’ priorities. They also cast light on an interesting paradox: although people feel safe in their daily lives, they believe security could, and should, be improved.PostprintPeer reviewe

A Practical Method for Mapping of Pesticide Loss Risk in Cultivated Soils of Greece

In an attempt to map the soil factors controlling pesticide losses, surface soil samples were collected from 196 sites in the cultivated area of Trifyllia, SW Peloponnese, Greece. Up to now, the pesticide losses risk in the studied area is unknown. For this aim, the following key characteristics that affect movement or binding have been taken into consideration: soil texture, slope and soil organic matter content. A GIS map was compiled from discrete soil variables that affect pesticide losses (leaching and/or runoff). According to soil texture, 3 moderate leaching risk classes, 2 high and 1 low were defined, and the respective classes based on Soil Organic Matter (SOM) content were 3 low risk classes, 2 moderate and 1 class of high risk. The study area consists of two soil slope classes 0-2% and 2-6% which were used to calculate the leaching potential of pesticides. The compiled maps can be used by local authorities in order to minimize the potential negative environmental impacts of pesticide usage at farm level, and to suggest various mitigation strategies. Appropriate farming practices must be applied to decrease leaching or losses by runoff in order to mitigate the pollution of shallow aquifers and surface waters in SW Peloponnese. Rational irrigation management is of high importance as it increases the pesticide effectiveness and reduces off site movement. Moreover, runoff of pesticides can be reduced by using minimum tillage techniques to mitigate soil erosion. Finally, farming systems and practices that increase soil organic matter content (e.g. no tillage) can reduce substantially the risk of water pollution by pesticides

An interlaboratory comparison of mid-infrared spectra acquisition: Instruments and procedures matter

Diffuse reflectance spectroscopy has been extensively employed to deliver timely and cost-effective predictions of a number of soil properties. However, although several soil spectral laboratories have been established worldwide, the distinct characteristics of instruments and operations still hamper further integration and interoperability across mid-infrared (MIR) soil spectral libraries. In this study, we conducted a large-scale ring trial experiment to understand the lab-to-lab variability of multiple MIR instruments. By developing a systematic evaluation of different mathematical treatments with modeling algorithms, including regular preprocessing and spectral standardization, we quantified and evaluated instruments' dissimilarity and how this impacts internal and shared model performance. We found that all instruments delivered good predictions when calibrated internally using the same instruments' characteristics and standard operating procedures by solely relying on regular spectral preprocessing that accounts for light scattering and multiplicative/additive effects, e.g., using standard normal variate (SNV). When performing model transfer from a large public library (the USDA NSSC-KSSL MIR library) to secondary instruments, good performance was also achieved by regular preprocessing (e.g., SNV) if both instruments shared the same manufacturer. However, significant differences between the KSSL MIR library and contrasting ring trial instruments responses were evident and confirmed by a semi-unsupervised spectral clustering. For heavily contrasting setups, spectral standardization was necessary before transferring prediction models. Non-linear model types like Cubist and memory-based learning delivered more precise estimates because they seemed to be less sensitive to spectral variations than global partial least square regression. In summary, the results from this study can assist new laboratories in building spectroscopy capacity utilizing existing MIR spectral libraries and support the recent global efforts to make soil spectroscopy universally accessible with centralized or shared operating procedures

De-centring the securitization of asylum and migration in the European Union: Securitization, vulnerability and the role of Turkey

This article contributes to the debates on de-centring the analysis of migration governance in Europe by focusing on the potential role of external actors in the securitisation of asylum and migration in the European Union (EU). Although there has been a growing amount of literature on the securitisation of asylum and migration in the EU, the role possibly played by external actors in this securitisation process has not been considered to date. This article addresses this gap using the case of Turkey. Theoretically, it contributes to the development of the securitisation framework by de-centring the study of securitisation processes. It argues that, from the vantage point of an external actor, a securitisation process highlights the existence of a vulnerability to a specific phenomenon that is perceived to be threatening. An external actor can then decide to exploit this vulnerability for its own gain, notably by making threats that play on the fears of the other political actor. Empirically, the article demonstrates how the Turkish government has been able to exploit the vulnerability of European countries to migration flows, which had been highlighted by the social construction of asylum and migration as security issues. By repeatedly threatening to send more asylum-seekers and migrants Europe’s way, the Turkish authorities have managed to secure some significant financial and political benefits for themselves in the last few years

The fallacy of securitizing migration: elite rationality and unintended consequences

It has become commonplace to argue that migration is intimately linked to questions of security. Typically, the literature on the securitisation of migration approaches it as a ‘top-down’ process, where various political, societal and security elites present migration as an existential threat to fundamental values of society and/or the state. The implication is that the elites’ decision to securitise is a rational one, often aimed, among others, at promoting their own political legitimacy, attracting resources and legitimising exceptional responses. The aim of this chapter is to question the rationality of elite action by highlighting the unintended consequences and hidden costs associated with securitisation. The chapter distances itself from normative calls for the desecuritisation of migration, as those, for instance, made by advocates of a human security approach. Instead, it offers a pragmatic account of how securitisation serves only short-term needs, while harming in the long-term other interests, including of those that supported the security discourse in the first place. The chapter investigates the fallacy of securitising migration, revealing that as a policy option it is more costly than often assumed

European migration policy in the aftermath of September 11: the security-migration nexus

Many studies have explored the security logic of EU policies on migration and asylum, which served as the legitimizing factor for adopting restrictive measures and for cutting back the rights of third-country nationals. The involvement of the European Commission in this policy area after the Treaty of Amsterdam came into force signalled a move towards more liberal immigration policies, which recognized the positive contributions made by labor immigrants. However, the terrorist attacks of September 11 brought the liberalization of European migration policy to a halt. In the context of these developments, this paper aims to readdress the security-migration nexus, utilizing but also extending the concept of 'securitization', developed by the 'Copenhagen School of Security Studies'. By analyzing institutional developments in the area of internal security in the EU, it demonstrates that the events of September 11 did not initiate the insecurities, uncertainties, ambiguities and complexities in regards to migration policy; rather they accelerated dynamics that were already deeply rooted in the emerging European internal security regime. The paper concludes that the discourse that links migration to security is a construction that is both exaggerated and problematic, yet it has been further reinforced in the post-September 11 context