Serviço público de televisão na Europa: o princípio do fim ou um novo começo no século XXI?

Nas últimas décadas, nem um só mês passou sem que tenham surgido, num ou noutro país, uma grande reportagem, um livro, uma conferência ou um estudo acerca do serviço público de televisão (SPT). Ouvimos constantemente que novas leis são adoptadas ou que se sucedem lançamentos de reformas das organizações de SPT em determinado local. Tudo isto atesta a importância desta instituição de radiodifusão. Contudo, tal pode ser interpretado como sendo uma evidência da sensibilidade e da vulnerabilidade do conceito do serviço público de radiodifusão, que está permanentemente em mutação, necessitando de constantes reajustamento, redefinição, reafirmação da sua legitimidade e adaptação a um novo contexto. A Assembleia Parlamentar do Conselho Europeu referiu que o SPT é “uma das instituições sociopolíticas e de media chave desenvolvidas pelas democracias da Europa Ocidental no século XX” e que debatê-lo é, na realidade, discutir “acerca dos fundamentos filosóficos, ideológicos e culturais da sociedade e acerca do papel do Estado e do sector público em ir de encontro às necessidades dos indivíduos e da sociedade como um todo” (“Public service broadcasting”, 2004). Por outras palavras, quando consideramos o modelo futuro do SPT, estamos na realidade a falar no tipo de sociedade em que queremos viver. A referida assembleia chamou os estados membros de modo a se “definir um enquadramento apropriado para o funcionamento do serviço público de radiodifusão bem como a sua adaptação e modernização de forma a satisfazer as necessidades do público e os requisitos da era digital” (“Recomendação 1641”, 2004), criando condições para que o SPT continue a servir o público e a cidadania política e cultural

Zapadnjaštvo i pozapadnjenje: društvene i medijske promjene u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi – slučaj Poljske

The purpose of this paper is to test one of the many ways of tracking the progress of media transformation in Central and Eastern Europe in the context of European integration, based on a descriptive/analytical and relativistic research approaches. The conceptual and analytical framework adopted for the analysis of the process is an institutional and cultural one, which is best suited in this case of “systemic transformation” of an exceptionally large scope. The dissidents’ primary weapon of struggle against the Communist system, and their main objective for the future was civil society, a model of “ethical” civil society with its many idealistic features. This and concept of the media institutions of civil society, as described in the article, are taken as the criteria for assessing the results of the systemic transformation. Because of a number of characteristics of post-Communist societies, including a high politicisation of public life, a weak state and weak society, a low level of public involvement on the part of citizens, etc. the goal of developing a civil society has not truly been attained. Also the media system falls short of what the dissidents hoped it would be, involving only the privately owned print media and public and commercial broadcasting. In most post-Communist countriest this “standard model” has meant the empowerment primarily of the new political and business elites. This analysis shows that in the Polish case the views of the 1980s dissidents could not serve as an accurate predictor of their own later policies and behaviour, nor indeed of the direction and consequences of transformation. Therefore, the early views and concepts of the initiators of that transformation cannot provide a set of criteria for judging the progress and success of that process.Cilj ovog rada je ispitati jedan od mnogobrojnih načina praćenja napretka postignutog u preobrazbi medija u Srednjoj i Istočnoj Europi u kontekstu europskih integracija, temeljem deskriptivno-analitičkih i relativističkih istraživačkih pristupa. Kao konceptualan i analitički okvir za analizu tog procesa korišten je institucionalni i kulturni okvir, koji je najprimjereniji za ovu iznimno opsežnu “transformaciju sustava”. Primarno oružje disidenata u njihovoj borbi protiv komunističkog sustava, a istovremeno i njihov glavni cilj, bilo je civilno društvo, odnosno model “etičnog” civilnog društva s njegovim brojnim idealističnim značajkama. Uz koncept medijskih institucija civilnog društva opisan u članku, to je uzeto kao kriterij procjene rezultata transformacije sustava. Zbog niza karakteristika postkomunističkih društava, kao što je između ostalog visoka politizacija javnog života, nemoćna država i nemoćno društvo te niska razina javnog djelovanja građana, cilj razvoja civilnog društva nije u potpunosti ostvaren. Medijski sustav također nije zadovoljio očekivanja disidenata obzirom na privatne tiskovine te javnu i komercijanu radio-televiziju. Taj “standardni model” u većini postkomunističkih zemalja značio je prije svega osiromašenje nove političke i poslovne elite. Ova analiza pokazuje da u slučaju Poljske, nazori disidenata iz osamdesetih godina ovog stoljeća nisu mogli precizno predskazati razvoj njihovih vlastitih politika i ponašanja, a niti sam smjer i posljedice transformacije. Stoga rani nazori i koncepti pokretača te transformacije ne mogu poslužiti kao skup kriterija za procjenu napretka i uspjeha tog procesa

Julkisen palvelun media ja sen rahoitusideologiat: onko lupamaksulla tulevaisuutta?

Julkisen palvelun mediaa (JPM) ei kannattaisi ajaa alas aikana, jolloin kansakunnat joutuvat keskustelemaan esimerkiksi sellaisista vakavista ongelmista kuin ilmastonmuutos, sanoo EBU:n asiantuntija, tohtori Karol Jakubowicz. 1 Hän erottaa kolme erilaista ideologiaa tai suhtautumistapaa julkisen palvelun mediaan: julkisen palvelun median puolustajat, ihmiskasvoisen liberalismin edustajat, jotka näkevät JPM:n kaupallisen median täydentäjänä ja uusliberalistit, joille riittävät kaupalliset mediat

Introduction : media and illiberal democracy in Central and Eastern Europe

This introductory overview opens the series of articles included in the issue entitled Media and Illiberal Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, and sets the scene for the debate on the relationship between illiberal trends in politics and media landscapes in the region. Drawing on existing scholarship, it traces the roots and the evolution of illiberalism, focusing the discussion within the confines of particularities of media landscapes. Through the introduction of articles addressing manifestations of illiberalism in media landscapes, it argues that “illiberal turn” in Central and Eastern Europe is part of a global political shift, rather than a regional one

Do Online, Offline, and Multiplatform Journalists Differ in their Professional Principles and Practices? Findings from a Multinational Study

Online journalists are often believed, not least in the industry itself, to follow different professional standards from their print and broadcast colleagues. There is, however, little empirical evidence to support or to refute this perception. This paper intends to help fill that gap by investigating whether offline and online journalists differ in their professional principles and practices. Drawing on previous conceptual research by Deuze, we operationalize the concept of journalism as an ideology comprising four ideal professional values: public service, objectivity, autonomy, and ethics. Using survey data from the Worlds of Journalism Study we compare professional principles and practices among online, offline, and multiplatform journalists in nine Western and Eastern European countries (N = 6,089). We find, contrary to previous research, that principles and practices among online and offline journalists broadly conform. However, we also find that online journalists are more likely than their offline colleagues to find justification for publishing unverified information and less interested in holding politicians to account, despite reporting that they have more freedom to select and frame news stories. We also find important differences between our samples of Western and Eastern European journalists

Odkrivanje neprijetnih resnic: družbene in medijske spremembe v Srednji in Vzhodni Evropi

This article reviews the transformation in society and the media in the former communist countries of central and eastern Europe. Adopting a "path dependence approach", the different countries of the region are analysed and allocated to two general categories, depending upon the nature and extent of the changes that have taken place in society and the media. The first group of countries (called here "Type A") have advanced relatively far along the road to transformation. Examples would be Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, Estonia. The second group (called here "Type B") retain much more of the old order. Examples would be Russia and some of the other republics that have issued from the collapse of the old Soviet Union. A rangeof theories of media change are reviewed, and their prognoses for the development of the media after the fall of communism are tested against the subsequent developments. It is argued that the media in both Type A and Type B countries remain highly politicised, particularly in the case of broadcasting, and with limited independence from the political elite. Journalism, too, remains paternal and didactic, partly as a result of the historical position of intellectuals in the region. While there are importantdifferences between Type A and Type B countries, neither represents astable and finished model of transformation. In neither case, are the mediathe passive victims of social forces. On the contrary, their shortcomings help to reproduce the limits of the overall transformation process.Članek obravnava spremembe v družbi in medijih v nekdanjih komunističnih državah srednje in vzhodne Evrope. Upoštevajoč različne razvojne poti ter naravo in obseg sprememb v družbi in medijih so države razvrščene v dve splošni kategoriji. Prva skupina držav ("tip A") je dosegla relativno velik napredek na poti transformacije. Primeri so Poljska, Češka, Madžarska, Slovenija in Estonija. Za drugo skupino ("tip B") je značilna višja stopnja ohranjanja starega. Primeri so Rusija in druge države, ki so nastale po razpadu nekdanje Sovjetske zveze. Članek obravnava niz teoretizacij medijskih sprememb ter njihove napovedi glede razvoja medijev po padcu komunizma primerja z dejanskimi spremembami. Ugotovitve kažejo, da so mediji v obeh skupinah držav ostali močno politizirani, zlasti radio in televizija, in so dosegli omejeno neodvisnost od političnih elit. Novinarstvo je ostalo paternalistično in učiteljsko, delno tudi kot posledica zgodovinskega položaja intelektualcev. Med skupino A in B sicer obstajajo pomembne razlike, vendar ne ena ne druga skupina ne predstavljata trdnega, zaključenega modela transformacije. V nobenem primeru mediji niso pasivne žrtve družbenih silnasprotno, njihove pomanjkljivosti prispevajo k reprodukciji omejitev celotnega procesa transformacije

Editor's introduction: The highways and byways of "Europeanization" in the media

Introduction.Wstęp