Une aporie de la démocratie: le blocage des politiques publiques par les nouveaux mouvements sociaux.

Cet article examine l'intervention des mouvements sociaux dans le système politique. Tout en portant l'attention sur le cas où les nouveaux mouvements sociaux sont source de blocage des politiques publiques, il tente de montrer comment cette intervention touche à l'équilibre qui s'établit dans toute société démocratique entre l'efficacité du système et sa légitimité. Les auteurs mettent en évidence que cet équilibre est affecté différemment selon le type d'intervention et, tout particulièrement, selon le type de blocage produit par les mouvements. Quatre types de blocages sont distingués, en fonction de la modalité et du résultat de l'intervention. Ces types de blocage dépendent de deux facteurs principaux, à savoir la structure et le fonctionnement de l'Etat, d'un côté, et la composition des acteurs intervenant dans le système, de l'autre. Le blocage des politiques publiques par les mouvements sociaux engendre une aporie centrale pour les démocraties occidentales, notamment pour la démocratie suisse, aporie qui a également des conséquences sur les mouvements eux-mêmes

Welfare institutions, resources, and political learning. Interacting with the State as an Incentive for the Political Participation of Long-Term Unemployed Youth

This paper examines the impact of interactions with welfare institutions on the political partici-pation of long-term unemployed youth in two cities. We assess the role of resource redistribution and of political learning on engagement in protest activities. We use a unique dataset of long-term unemployed youth to predict the probability that long-term unemployed youth participate in protest activities and be-come politically alienated as a result of their interactions with the state. Our study suggests that the impact of staid aid on political participation comes from providing services through the unemployment office and the social aid office rather than from direct payments. However, we do not find strong evidence revealing a process of political learning, as political alienation does not seem to mediate the effect of interactions with the state on protest. The most important finding of our study is that the connection between welfare insti-tutions and political learning is context-dependent. We find a differential effect of interactions with the unemployment office and with the social aid office across cities

The structure of DNA by direct imaging

The structure of DNA was determined in 1953 by x-ray fiber diffraction. Several attempts have been made to obtain a direct image of DNA with alternative techniques. The direct image is intended to allow a quantitative evaluation of all relevant characteristic lengths present in a molecule. A direct image of DNA, which is different from diffraction in the reciprocal space, is difficult to obtain for two main reasons: the intrinsic very low contrast of the elements that form the molecule and the difficulty of preparing the sample while preserving its pristine shape and size. We show that through a preparation procedure compatible with the DNA physiological conditions, a direct image of a single suspended DNA molecule can be obtained. In the image, all relevant lengths of A-form DNA are measurable. A high-resolution transmission electron microscope that operates at 80 keV with an ultimate resolution of 1.5 Å was used for this experiment. Direct imaging of a single molecule can be used as a method to address biological problems that require knowledge at the single-molecule level, given that the average information obtained by x-ray diffraction of crystals or fibers is not sufficient for detailed structure determination, or when crystals cannot be obtained from biological molecules or are not sufficient in understanding multiple protein configurations

Science communication and concept of risk in bio-tech-sciences: Is it a part of neo-liberalism, or foucaultian bio-politics?

In this work a Raman flow cytometer is presented. It consists of a microfluidic device that takes advantages of the basic principles of Raman spectroscopy and flow cytometry. The microfluidic device integrates calibrated microfluidic channels- where the cells can flow one-by-one -, allowing single cell Raman analysis. The microfluidic channel integrates plasmonic nanodimers in a fluidic trapping region. In this way it is possible to perform Enhanced Raman Spectroscopy on single cell. These allow a label-free analysis, providing information about the biochemical content of membrane and cytoplasm of the each cell. Experiments are performed on red blood cells (RBCs), peripheral blood lymphocytes (PBLs) and myelogenous leukemia tumor cells (K562)

Political values and extra-institutional political participation: The impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian preferences on protest behaviour

Previous studies have found that left-wing and libertarian individuals are more likely to engage in extra-institutional political activism. However, due to a lack of suitable data, studies to date have not analysed the relative influence of economic redistributive and social libertarian values for the intensity of protest participation. By analysing data from a unique cross-national dataset on participants in mass demonstrations in seven countries, this article addresses this gap in the literature and provides evidence of the relative impact of economic redistributive and social libertarian values in explaining different degrees of protest participation. We show that there are divergent logics underpinning the effect of the two value sets on extra-institutional participation. While both economically redistributive and libertarian social values support extra-institutional participation, economically redistributive protesters are mobilized to political action mainly through organizations, whereas the extra-institutional participation of social libertarian protesters is underpinned by their dissatisfaction with the workings of democracy

Nuclear energy in the public sphere: Anti-nuclear movements vs. industrial lobbies in Spain (1962-1979)

The final publication is available at Springer via http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11024-014-9263-0This article examines the role of the Spanish Atomic Forum as the representative of the nuclear sector in the public arena during the golden years of the nuclear power industry from the 1960s to 1970s. It focuses on the public image concerns of the Spanish nuclear lobby and the subsequent information campaigns launched during the late 1970s to counteract demonstrations by the growing and heterogeneous anti-nuclear movement. The role of advocacy of nuclear energy by the Atomic Forum was similar to that in other countries, but the situation in Spain had some distinguishing features. Anti-nuclear protest in Spain peaked in 1978 paralleling the debates of a new National Energy Plan in Congress, whose first draft had envisaged a massive nuclearization of the country. We show how the approval of the Plan in July 1979, with a significant reduction in the nuclear energy component, was influenced by the anti-nuclear protest movements in Spain. Despite the efforts of the Spanish Atomic Forum to counter its message, the anti-nuclear movement was strengthened by reactions to the Three Mile Island accident in March 1979

Global Norms, Local Activism, and Social Movement Outcomes: Global Human Rights and Resident Koreans in Japan

The authors integrate social movement outcomes research and the world society approach to build a theoretical model to examine the impact of global and local factors on movement outcomes. Challenging the current research on policy change, which rarely examines the effects of global norms and local activism in one analysis, they argue (1) that global regimes empower and embolden local social movements and increase pressure on target governments from below, and (2) that local activists appeal to international forums with help from international activists to pressure the governments from above. When the pressures from the top and the bottom converge, social movements are more likely to succeed. Furthermore, these pressures are stronger in countries integrated into global society and on issues with strong global norms. The empirical analysis of social movements by resident Koreans in Japan advocating for four types of human rights—civil, political, social/economic, and cultural—demonstrates that the movements produced more successes as Japan\u27s involvement in the international human rights regime expanded since the late 1970s, and that activism on issues with strong global norms achieved greater successes. The analysis also shows that lack of cohesive domestic activism can undercut the chances of social movements\u27 success even with strong global norms on the issue

Resilient or adaptable Islam? Multiculturalism, religion and migrants' claims-making for group demands in Britain, the Netherlands and France

This article investigates multiculturalism by examining the relationship between migrants’ group demands and liberal states’ policies for politically accommodating cultural and religious difference. It focuses especially on Islam. The empirical research compares migrants’ claims-making for group demands in countries with different traditions for granting recognition to migrants’ cultural difference – Britain, France and the Netherlands. Overall, we find very modest levels of group demands indicating that the challenge of group demands to liberal democracies is quantitatively less than the impression given by much multicultural literature. Group demands turn out to be significant only for Muslims, which holds across different countries. Qualitative analysis reveals problematic relationships between Islam and the state, in the overtly multicultural Dutch approach, within British race relations, and French civic universalism. This implies that there is no easy blueprint for politically accommodating Islam, whose public and religious nature makes it especially resilient to political adaptation