311 research outputs found

    Distribution and Hybridization of \u3ci\u3eHyalophora Columbia\u3c/i\u3e (Lepidoptera: Saturniidae) in Wisconsin

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    Hyalophora columbia (Smith) has been collected in 12 Wisconsin counties, primarily in the north-central region. The adult flight season peaks during the second week of June. Hyalophora cecropia (L.) was found to occur in many of the columbia localities, and to be active at the same time as columbia. Despite this overlap, natural hybrids were very rarely seen

    Women and Social Transformation in Central-Eastern Europe: The 'Old Left' and the 'New Right'

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    Draws on a variety of statistical data to discuss how the postcommunist transformation in Central & Eastern Europe is affecting the social & economic situation of women, concluding that a consistent leftist family & gender agenda has never been articulated. It is argued that women's educational & labor market opportunities were improved under state socialism, but family policy was streaked with conservatism & implemented in a top-down manner that discouraged women's political participation & power. During transformation, conservative trends & economic hardship are negatively impacting women in the areas of economic participation, reproductive rights, & social policy. Poverty among women & children is growing. Opportunity exists in the form of new civil & political rights, but, to date, women have not organized around their interests in substantial numbers

    A 100 lépés programja

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    A 2004 ƑszĂ©n hivatalba lĂ©pƑ miniszterelnök vilĂĄgosan lĂĄtta, hogy az Ășgynevezett nagy reformokba akkor Ă©rtelmetlen belekezdeni. MĂ©g ha szĂŒksĂ©gesek lennĂ©nek is (amit — az ĂĄllamigazgatĂĄsi reform kivĂ©telĂ©vel — kĂ©tlek), Ă©s ha lettek volna is pontos, ĂĄtgondolt javaslatok Ă©s forgatĂłkönyvek (amelyek hiĂĄnyoztak), akkor sem lehet fĂ©l Ă©v alatt — demokratikus konszenzusra törekvĂ©ssel — a döntĂ©sekig eljutni. Így is volt azonban tömĂ©rdek kisebb-nagyobb megoldatlan, Ă©vek Ăłta „elfekvƑ” problĂ©ma, pĂ©ldĂĄul a fekete gazdasĂĄg, vagy a közgyĂłgyellĂĄtĂĄs hiĂĄnyossĂĄgai

    Key specificities of social fabric under new-capitalism

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    The paper describes manifestations of inequality and poverty evolving under new-capitalism in Hungary. The new aspects of inequality include unlimited force-fields and unbridled competition between them, new divisions in inequality, and the absence of both ceiling and floor. The new features of poverty include massive and lasting joblessness leading to the socialization of children in an atmosphere of hopelessness, extreme social exclusion turning entire micro-regions into poor and Gypsy ghettos, demeaning forms of workfare and the like. About half of Hungary’s residents have lost out in the regime change, meaning that they are worse off now than before. Roughly half the losers are poor and about half a million of them (the entire population of the country is ten million) were poor both before and after the change. The new inequality and poverty is a challenge to all Hungarians, particularly to politicians and the poor themselves. Responses are often distorted because the sudden and extreme occurrence of poverty has spawned a vehement rejection of the poor, often combined with rapidly spreading racism

    Perceived Barriers of Early Mobilization in the Intensive Care Unit

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    Purpose Early mobilization of Intensive Care Unit (ICU) patients can improve patient outcomes but also includes barriers to implementation. Nebraska Medicine has continued to have ongoing quality improvement initiatives like the ABCDEF liberation bundles and early mobilization that have been attempted but have never fully come to fruition. This project surveys Nebraska Medicines ICUs staff to better understand attitudes, knowledge and behavior regarding early mobilization using a validated tool. The aim was to identify barriers, so the organization could better understand the needs of ICU staff for future implementations of early mobility and related assessment tools. Materials and Methods A systematic literature was conducted in MEDLINE, EMBASE, and CINHAL for systematic reviews, meta-analysis, and randomized control trials (RCTs) related to early mobilization of ICU patients. The literature review included data on interventions, improved outcomes, mobility tools used, and surveys to identify existing barriers. A survey created by Johns Hopkins Medicine, Patient Mobilization Attitudes and Beliefs in the ICU (PMABS-ICU) was selected for this project. An invitation to participate in this survey was sent out through email to ICU register nurses (RNs) and patient care technicians (PCTs) in all five ICUs at Nebraska Medicine. Additionally, informational fliers were posted throughout each unit. The survey included 27 questions and an open-ended free text portion for comments. Using SPSS 28.0, the survey results were examined for total score and subscales of knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors. Differences in scores by years of work experience and assigned ICU were examined. Results The survey had a response rate of 18.5% (70/378). Of the 70 respondents, 61 were RNs and 9 were PCTs. The survey showed validity and internal consistency with Cronbach α of 0.845 for the total score and subscales being 0.610 for the knowledge subscale, 0.752 for attitudes, and 0.713 for behaviors. One-way ANOVA testing revealed no significant difference in total or any subscale score based on years of experience. There were no significant differences in knowledge subscale scores between units. However, there were significant differences for total score, attitude, and behavioral subscale scores when responses were grouped by unit. The Bonferroni Post Hoc test showed there was no difference between the total scores and subscales in the Cardiovascular Intensive Care Unit (CVICU) and Werner Intensive Care Unit (WICU), whereas Medical Intensive Care Unit (MICU), Neuroscience Intensive Care Unit (NSICU), and Surgical Intensive Care Unit (SICU) had no difference from one another in the total scores nor in the subscales. Both CVICU and WICU were significantly different when each was compared to MICU, NSICU or SICU for attitude subscale scores. The common themes from the qualitative responses include patient safety concerns, staffing constraints, and time and complexity of patients. Conclusion The survey results can be summed up into 3 different themes: Concerns about patient safety, staffing, and time needed with the complexity of ICU patients. Each unit has its own identity, expectations, and challenges. The results of the survey indicate that there was no difference between units when it comes to knowledge, but prior to implementing an early mobility protocol, the units need to address potential barriers related to attitudes and behaviors as well as the specific barriers identified in free text comments. Addressing perceived barriers now with evidence-based strategies will facilitate implementation of the early mobilization protocols in ICUs

    MiĂ©rt szokatlanul nagyok a magyarorszĂĄgi egyenlƑtlensĂ©gek?

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    A tanulmĂĄny kiindulĂĄskĂ©nt felidĂ©zi, hogy MagyarorszĂĄgon nem egy-kĂ©t egyenlƑtlensĂ©g kirĂ­vĂłan nagy, hanem az orszĂĄg szinte minden, a fizikai Ă©s tĂĄrsadalmi Ă©letesĂ©lyek szempontjĂĄbĂłl fontos terĂŒleten az eurĂłpai egyenlƑtlensĂ©gek rangsorĂĄnak valahol a vĂ©gĂ©n ĂĄll. Vagyis „rendszerszerƱen” nagyok, Ă©s az utĂłbbi Ă©vekben is nƑnek az egyenlƑtlensĂ©gek. A jelensĂ©g olyan markĂĄns, hogy Ă©rdemes a miĂ©rtekre rĂĄkĂ©rdezni. A cikk hĂĄrom – valamilyen magyarĂĄzatot kĂ­nĂĄlĂł – tĂ©nyezƑt emlĂ­t. E tĂ©nyezƑket nem bizonyĂ­thatĂł, szĂĄmszerƱsĂ­thetƑ ĂĄllĂ­tĂĄskĂ©nt fogalmazza meg, hanem sok oldalrĂłl illusztrĂĄlhatĂł sejtĂ©sekkĂ©nt. Mindegyik korĂĄbbi lefojtottsĂĄgokra, alkalmasint tabukra adott vĂĄlasz, ĂĄm sajĂĄtos magyar szĂ­nezettel. Az egyik a megosztĂł nacionalizmus, amelynek kĂ­sĂ©rteties a törtĂ©neti folytonossĂĄga. A polgĂĄrok felosztĂĄsa a „nemzeti oldalra” Ă©s a „többiekre” elfedi az ennĂ©l mĂ©lyebb tĂĄrsadalmi tartalmakat, Ă©s ezzel kezelhetetlennĂ© teszi az egyenlƑtlensĂ©g egĂ©sz kĂ©rdĂ©skörĂ©t. A mĂĄsik tĂ©nyezƑ a magyar önkormĂĄnyzatisĂĄg, amely a telepĂŒlĂ©seknek szinte korlĂĄtlan szabadsĂĄgot ad parciĂĄlis – többnyire termĂ©szetesen erƑsebb – Ă©rdekek Ă©rvĂ©nyesĂ­tĂ©sĂ©re. A harmadik a magyar (neo)liberalizmus sajĂĄtos ereje, neo-konzervatĂ­v merevsĂ©ge, Ă©s a szociĂĄldemokrata gondolat gyengesĂ©ge

    Az EU és a kirekesztés

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    A kirekesztettek nem talĂĄlkoznak „az ĂĄllammal”. A kirekesztĂ©s a tĂĄrsadalmi struktĂșrĂĄlĂłdĂĄs egy vetĂŒlete, az okok a globĂĄlis Ă©s nemzetĂĄllami trendekkel fĂŒggnek össze. Ám a kirekesztettek mindig „helyben” vannak, legyenek falusi munkanĂ©lkĂŒliek, gyesbƑl Ă©lƑ egyedĂŒlĂĄllĂł anyĂĄk, a lift nĂ©lkĂŒli harmadik emeleten lakĂł mozgĂĄskorlĂĄtozottak, cigĂĄnysoron Ă©lƑk, budapesti hajlĂ©ktalanok. Nagy nemzeti nekibuzdulĂĄsok, orszĂĄgos stratĂ©giai programok, ha lennĂ©nek is, automatikusan nem Ă©rik el Ƒket

    Jaj az orszågnak, melyben a közösségi szellem bƱn!

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    SzĂ©chenyi IstvĂĄn vĂ©gtelen sok közĂŒggyel foglalkozott. A tanulmĂĄny (a 2016. Ă©vi SzĂ©chenyi EmlĂ©kbeszĂ©d) ezekbƑl kiemeli az adĂłzĂĄs Ă©s a civil tĂĄrsadalom kĂ©rdĂ©sĂ©t. SzĂ©chenyi alapkövetelĂ©se a nemesi adĂłmentessĂ©g megszĂŒntetĂ©se, a progresszĂ­v jövedelemadĂł Ă©s a szĂŒksĂ©ges minimum alatt Ă©lƑk adĂłtĂłl mentesĂ­tĂ©se. Az elsƑ követelĂ©s 1848 utĂĄn megvalĂłsult. A progresszĂ­v adĂłt MagyarorszĂĄg, nĂ©hĂĄny mĂĄs kelet-eurĂłpai orszĂĄghoz hasonlĂłan, 2010 utĂĄn megszĂŒntette, egy viszonylag alacsony egykulcsos adĂłval helyettesĂ­tette. A kisjövedelmƱek adĂłmentessĂ©ge megszƱnt, csak a gyerekesek szĂĄmĂĄra van nĂ©mi adĂłkedvezmĂ©ny. A civil tĂĄrsadalom fejlesztĂ©se SzĂ©chenyi szĂĄmĂĄra azĂ©rt volt fontos, hogy minĂ©l többen tudjanak rĂ©szt venni a közĂŒgyekben, kifejezhessĂ©k a kormĂĄnyzattal szembeni kritikĂĄjukat Ă©s követelĂ©seiket, rĂ©szt vegyenek az orszĂĄg fejlesztĂ©sĂ©ben. Ehhez fĂŒggetlen szervezƑdĂ©sek kellettek, ezĂ©rt volt a Magyar TudomĂĄnyos AkadĂ©mia alapĂ­tĂłja is. A civilsĂ©g kifejezĂ©sĂ©nek minden formĂĄjĂĄt helyeselte, ideĂ©rtve a polgĂĄri engedetlensĂ©get is. A szabad Ă©s fĂŒggetlen civil tĂĄrsadalom MagyarorszĂĄgon csak 1990 utĂĄn kezdett Ă©ledezni, de indokolt helyzetekben eljutott a polgĂĄri engedetlensĂ©gig is. 2010 Ăłta a politika a korĂĄbbinĂĄl ellensĂ©gesebb a jogvĂ©dƑ, „advocacy”-t kĂ©pviselƑ szervezetekkel szemben, nem tekinti Ƒket partnernek, Ă©s nem szĂĄmol a polgĂĄri engedetlensĂ©g lehetsĂ©ges következmĂ©nyeivel
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