Diferentes distribuciones de la nasalización vocálica contrastiva en vasco

Contrastive vowel nasalization is usually a consequence of the reinterpretation of the phonetic nasalization of a vowel due to coarticulation with an adjacent nasal consonant as originating in the vowel itself. Basque developed contrastive vowel nasalization after the loss of the nasalized laryngeal /?./ (from older intervocalic *n). This loss did not occur under the same circumstances in all dialects, and thus yielded different distributions of contrastive nasalization. This paper discusses the development of two different patterns of contrastive vowel nasalization, namely those of Zuberoan and Roncalese dialects. While modern Zuberoan shows contrastive vowel nasalization only in the last syllable, the now extinct Roncalese dialect had phonologically nasalized vowels in any syllable of the word. In addition, these two dialects possessed different nasalized vowel inventories. Other Basque dialects with attested contrastive vowel nasalization, such as Old Bizkaian, are discussed as well. Although the presence of contrastive vowel nasalization in Basque is known in the literature (see Hualde, 1993, and Michelena, 1977/2011, for Zuberoan; and Michelena, 1954/2011, for Roncalese), this paper presents new analyses of vowel nasalization of two neighboring dialects of Basque, Zuberoan and Roncalese.La nasalización vocálica contrastiva es habitualmente consecuencia de la reinterpretación de la nasalización fonética de una vocal debida a la coarticulación con una consonante nasal adyacente como si esta se originase en la propia vocal. El euskera desarrolló nasalización vocálica contrastiva tras la pérdida de la laringal nasalizada /?./ (de antigua *n intervocálica). Esta pérdida no ocurrió en los mismos contextos en todos los dialectos y, por lo tanto, dio lugar a diferentes distribuciones de la nasalización contrastiva. Este artículo analiza el desarrollo de los patrones de nasalización vocálica contrastiva en los dialectos vascos suletino y roncalés. Mientras que el suletino moderno muestra nasalización contrastiva solo en la última sílaba, el ahora extinto dialecto roncalés llegó a poseer vocales fonológicamente nasalizadas en cualquier sílaba de la palabra. Estos dos dialectos poseían, además, distintos inventarios de vocales nasalizadas. También se analizan otros dialectos vascos con nasalización vocálica atestiguada, como el vizcaíno antiguo. A pesar de que la presencia de nasalización vocálica contrastiva en euskera es conocida en la bibliografía (v. Hualde, 1993, y Michelena, 1977/2011, para el suletino; y Michelena, 1954/2011, para el roncalés), este trabajo presenta nuevos análisis de la nasalización en suletino y roncalés, dos dialectos vascos vecinos

Ekialdeko /o/-ren igoeraren testuinguru fonologikoaren bila

In this paper I analyze the raising of the mid back vowel /o/ in Basque. This sound pattern is primarily found in Zuberoan and Roncalese, although it is present, to a lesser degree, in other eastern Basque dialects. After compiling examples of this process and specifying its context, I will propose that this process is more accurately described as raising of phonetically nasalized [õ]. This sound change is accounted for by means of the phonetic ambiguity in vowel height inherent to nasalization. This ambiguity is caused by the addition of "nasal formants" to the F1 space. In short, this paper analyzes a sound pattern that cannot be easily accounted for by means of phonological description but is straightforwardly explained in phonetic terms, emphasizing the importance of phonetics in historical and phonological research.; Lan honetan euskarazko /o/ erdiko atzeko bokalaren igoera aztertzen da. Hots-eredu hau batez ere zubereran eta erronkarieran garatu zen, nahiz eta ekialdeko beste euskalkietan ere aurki daitekeen. Bilakabide honen adibideak batu eta horien testuingurua zehaztu ostean, fonetikoki sudurkarituriko [õ]-ren igoera bezala deskriba daitekeela proposatuko da. Hots aldaketa hau sudurkaritasunaren berezko anbiguotasun fonetikoaren bitartez azaltzea proposatuko da, ambigutasun hau F1-en eremuan "formante sudurkariak " gehitzeak eragiten duela. Laburbilduz, lan honek deskribapen fonologikoak erraz azaltzen ez duen baina fonetikoki arazorik gabe azal daitekeen hots-eredu bat aurkezten du, fonetikaren garrantzia ikerketa historiko eta fonologikoan azpimarratzen delarik

Herskarien ustezko ahoskabetasun asimilazioa eta euskal herskari zaharren gauzatzea

In Basque, a sequence of an onset voiced stop followed by an onset (aspirated) voiceless stop in the next syllable is resolved with devoicing of the first of these stops. This typologically uncommon sound pattern has been described as assimilation of voicelessness, but I propose that it affects aspiration instead. This approach accounts for the distribution of the aspirated stops as well as for the blocking contexts, and gives rise to new questions regarding the realization of old Basque stops. The modern Basque stop opposition is usually described as voiced vs. plain voiceless. Nevertheless, most authors reconstruct a different system. In this paper, I reconstruct two series of stops: a voiceless aspirated series (specified for [spread glottis]) and an unaspirated series (laryngeally neutral) that is realized as unaspirated voiceless stops word initially and passively voiced stops in medial position.; Euskaraz, herskari ahoskabe (hasperendun) batek jarraituriko herskari ahostun bat horren eraginez ahoskabetu daiteke. Tipologikoki arraroa den aldaketa hau ahoskabetasunaren asimilazio bezala deskribatua izan da. Honakoan, aldaketaren oinarria hasperenketan dagoela proposatzen dut. Analisi honek, aurrekoek ez bezala, herskarien hasperenketaren kokapen aldaketaren eta hots aldaketa galarazi zuten testuinguruen berri ematen du eta euskal herskari zaharren inguruko galdera berriak sortzen ditu. Herskarien egungo oposizioa ahostun vs. ahoskabe bezala deskribatzen dugu. Hala ere, autore gehienek sistema ezberdin bat berreraikitzen dute. Lan honetan, bi herskari serie berreraikitzen ditut: herskari ahoskabe hasperendunak ([spread glottis] ezaugarria dutenak) eta hasperenik gabeko serie bat (espezifikazio laringalik gabekoa), hitz hasieran hasperenik gabeko herskari ahoskabe bezala gauzatzen zena eta hitz erdian pasiboki ahostundu egiten zena

Multidimensional signals and analytic flexibility: Estimating degrees of freedom in human speech analyses

Recent empirical studies have highlighted the large degree of analytic flexibility in data analysis which can lead to substantially different conclusions based on the same data set. Thus, researchers have expressed their concerns that these researcher degrees of freedom might facilitate bias and can lead to claims that do not stand the test of time. Even greater flexibility is to be expected in fields in which the primary data lend themselves to a variety of possible operationalizations. The multidimensional, temporally extended nature of speech constitutes an ideal testing ground for assessing the variability in analytic approaches, which derives not only from aspects of statistical modeling, but also from decisions regarding the quantification of the measured behavior. In the present study, we gave the same speech production data set to 46 teams of researchers and asked them to answer the same research question, resulting insubstantial variability in reported effect sizes and their interpretation. Using Bayesian meta-analytic tools, we further find little to no evidence that the observed variability can be explained by analysts’ prior beliefs, expertise or the perceived quality of their analyses. In light of this idiosyncratic variability, we recommend that researchers more transparently share details of their analysis, strengthen the link between theoretical construct and quantitative system and calibrate their (un)certainty in their conclusions

Metathesis of aspiration as the source of anticipatory voicelessness in Basque

In Basque, there is evidence, especially in early loans from Latin, that a sequence #DV(R)T… where D is a voiced stop and T is a voiceless (aspirated) stop was optionally produced with devoicing of the first of these stops. An additional particularity of this sound pattern is that the devoiced word-initial stop typically surfaces with aspiration, while the previously aspirated stop loses it: #DV(R)T (h) … > #T (h) V(R)T… This typologically uncommon sound pattern has been described as assimilation of voicelessness in the literature, or spread of [-voiced]. I propose that this sound pattern is triggered by aspiration, not voicelessness, and that it is a case of metathesis, not assimilation. Under the proposed analysis, aspiration of the second stop in the word is reanalysed as originating in the first stop, an instance of perceptual metathesis . This approach accounts for the distribution of aspirated stops before and after the optional change, and the failure of post-sibilant stops to trigger. This account also has implications for the chronology of aspiration-loss in Western dialects: at the time the earliest Latin loans were borrowed, all Basque dialects still maintained a historical series of aspirated stops. Only later, after this process of optional metathesis, did the Western dialects lose *h and stop aspiration

Goizuetako azentueraren garapena kokatzen Euskara Batu Zaharraren prosodia zehazteko: proposamenen ebaluazioa

The development of the prosodic system of Goizueta is the main point of disagreement the two last hypotheses –Hualde’s and Egurtzegi & Elordieta’s– will be compared, highlighting their main strengths and shortcomings in order to evaluate each proposal’s plausibility. After the comparison, Egurtzegi and Elordieta’s hypothesis is favored, be-cause its main shortcoming (that is, the need of proposing analogical processes between of this proposal are absent in the former.Approches modernes à la phonologie diachronique appliquée au basqu