Epistemic authority and the gender lens

Researching 'hidden' forms of social inequality such as gender often poses particular challenges. Not least of these is how to uncover such dimensions of social life whilst preserving the perspectives of research participants, who may not consider such matters relevant to their lives, particularly if other forms of identity or oppression are more prominent for them. Here, I reflect on these issues in the context of researching user involvement in mental health services from a feminist perspective. I show how `uncovering' gender and other forms of social inequality in the field was aided through adopting a wide analytical lens focusing on power, along with reflexivity and openness in discussing my own political analysis and commitments in relation to the study area with the researched. I also describe how I attempted to resolve the epistemological-ethical issues involved through conceptualising these in terms of `situatedness' and gender salience and adopting a feminist standpoint which emphasised what researchers can, and indeed should, bring to the research enterprise. Related issues of power and empowerment in the research process are discussed

Potiskivanje ekofeminizma

Ekološki feminizam nosi ogroman potencijal za preobražaj modernog sveta, počevši od promena vrednosti kao suštinskih elemenata identiteta dominantne kulture. Ukazujući na krupne probleme koji sprečavaju evoluciju društva, ekofeminizam zagovara pravdu i prava, ne samo prava čoveka, nego prava života uopšte, u skladu sa načelima dubinske ekologije. Ovakve tendencije nailaze na otpore onih koji teže da iskorišćavaju globalne procese i da upravljaju percepcijom društva kao najznačajnijim sredstvom njegovog kontrolisanja. Zato ne čudi što se ekofeminizam potiskuje, pre svega na teorijskom planu. Ni u akademskoj sredini, ni u širem kulturnom okruženju, ekofeminizam ne zauzima značajno mesto. Neuspeh ekofeminizma da prevaziđe vladajući pogled na svet nije unutrašnje prirode, odnosno, ovaj neuspeh nije posledica njegovog esencijalizma i potenciranja femininih karakteristika, koje osim što uključuju pomirljivo prihvatanje i iracionalnu disperzivnost takođe nastavljaju dihotomizaciju sveta. Naprotiv, ekofeminizam vrednuje princip komplementarnosti i ravnoteže svih vrsta razlika i suprotnosti i na taj način otkriva slabosti vladajućeg pogleda na svet i ukazuje na principe potrebnih promena.Zbornik priredile: Rada Drezgić, Daša Duhaček i Jelena Vasiljevi

Balance of Power or Principle of Nationality? The Evolution of French Plans towards East-Central Europe during the War

In August 1914, France had already defined a pattern of war aims which would be shaped andamended during the next four years. Regarding East-Central Europe, two approaches presentthemselves to the French policy-makers: the classic system of alliances to maintain the balanceof power, and the new internationalist doctrine implying the priority application of the principleof nationality. Both these concepts reacted to the geopolitical evolutions which occurredduring the Great War. The article analyses these evolutions of the French concept of a ‘worldorder’ in East-Central Europe between 1914 and 1918 primarily through an examination of thecase of Poland.Key Words: First World War, security policy, alliances, self-determination, war aims, successorstates. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v31i0.119

Souci et connexion dans l’éthique de la politique générale

Ce texte porte sur l'élaboration des politiques publiques à partir d'une perspective conséquentialiste basée sur les probabilités. En utilisant l'exemple de la dissuasion par la menace nucléaire, je montre que ceux qui sont véritablement dévoués à la protection de l'environnement, ceux qui se soucient véritablement du problème de l'environnement devraient refuser le conséquentialisme basé sur les probabilités sans le principe de la reconsideration, un principe que nous proposons ici pour la première fois, le principe de la reconsideration doit être adopté parce que, sans lui, le conséquentialisme basé sur les probabilités pourrait justifier qu'on poursuive l'application de politiques même lorsque celles-ci se sont révélées inadéquates, et même lorsqu'elles minent elles-mêmes leurs chances de succès. On peut ainsi conclure que le principe de la reconsidération est nécessaire pour assurer le lien entre les politiques justificatrices et leur succès.This paper examines the making of public policy from a probability-based consequentialist perspective. Using nuclear deterrence policies as an example, I show that those truly committed environmental protection, those who truly care about the environment should not accept probability-based consequentialism without the reconsideration principle, a principle introduced in this paper. The reconsideration principle must be accepted, because without it, probability-based consequentialism can justify continuing to act on policies even when they have failed, and even when they undermine their original goal altogether. Thus, we conclude that the reconsideration principle is neeaed to insure connection between the justification policies and their success

Integrity and Struggle

Integrity is sometimes conceived in terms of the wholeness of the individual, such that persons who experience temptations or other sorts of inner conflicts, afflictions, or divisions of self would seem to lack integrity to a greater or lesser degree. I contrast this understanding of integrity—which I label psychological integrity—with a different conception which I call practical integrity. On the latter conception, persons can manifest integrity in spite of the various factors mentioned above, so long as they remain true to their commitments in action and deliberation. Although psychological harmony is one feature reasonably associated with integrity, I suggest that practical integrity captures other features of character and action often (and reasonably) related to ascriptions of integrity. Practical integrity remains possible even for those who must confront, manage, and control factors that give rise to various kinds of inner conflict. 10.1007/s11406-011-9334-

The MacArthur Foundation in Mexico: Report on Activities

Contains president's message, foundation information, information on focus areas and programs in Mexico, grantee profiles, lists of recent grants, and lists of board members and staff. In English and in Spanish

Comment exister au centre de l’Europe ?

Les relations franco-polonaises sont un bon indicateur de l’état du système européen : en ce sens, la politique d’indépendance de la Pologne, en plus de la légitimité que lui confère sa pleine souveraineté nationale, est aussi une réaction à la perte de puissance de la France. Les dirigeants français, nombreux à se succéder durant la IIIe République, ont eu des visions différentes de la politique à adopter à l’égard de la Pologne. Tous s’accordent cependant sur deux points : ce pays est un interlocuteur indispensable de la politique de sécurité française, mais il outrepasse son rôle lorsqu’il prétend prendre part aux négociations décisives entre grandes puissances. Dès lors, l’intimité que la France lui refuse, c’est auprès de l’Allemagne que le colonel Beck va la chercher. À plusieurs reprises durant les années 1930, le gouvernement polonais tente de participer à un éventuel directoire européen dont elle paraît de plus en plus incapable de prévenir le fait accompli. De la crise de Munich, résulte, au début de l’année 1939, la tentation très réelle du Quai d’Orsay et de l’état-major de dénoncer unilatéralement ce que l’on a appelé l’alliance polonaise.How to exist at the center of Europe? Strategic Franco-Polish relations between 1918 and 1939.  Franco-Polish relations are a good indicator of the state of the European system: in this sense, the political independence of Poland, in addition to the legitimacy conferred by its full national sovereignty, was also a reaction to the loss of power by France. French leaders, many of whom followed each other during the Third Republic, had different views about what policy to adopt towards Poland. However, all agreed on two points: that country is an indispensable interlocutor of French national security policy, but it exaggerates its role when it claims to take part in crucial negotiations between major powers. Therefore, the closeness that France denied it is what Beck will seek for her from Germany. On several occasions during the 1930s, the Polish government tried to participate in a possible European directorate which appeared increasingly incapable of preventing a fait accompli. From the Munich crisis, came, in early 1939, the very real temptation for the Quai d'Orsay and the general staff to renounce unilaterally what has been called the Polish alliance