Public Security, Criminal Policy and Sentencing in Brazil during the Lula and Dilma Governments, 2003-2014: Changes and Continuities

Since mid-1980s crime rates in Brazil started to increase with the transition from military dictatorship to democracy, a period marked by the rise of poverty and hyperinflation. Given levels of police corruption and protection of criminal gangs, trust in the criminal justice system was low, leading to a heightened dependence on private security, gated communities and the politicisation of law and order politics. An impressive punitive turn began at in the 1990s. This paper analysed penal policies under successive left-wing Lula and Dilma governments from 2003 to 2014. During this period the rise of ‘postneoliberal’ and ‘postneoconservative’ politics, led by the Workers Party, developed governmental strategies and initiatives that formulated and legitimized rich and complex expressions of traditionally left-wing politics. Despite the simultaneous implementation of distributive policies, the increase of human development levels throughout the country, the reduction of social inequalities and the redirection of the official discourse of Federal Government security policies towards crime prevention, incarceration rates continued to increase. This article examines why efforts to build an effective public security policy committed to upholding civil rights and improving the control of police and police activities have failed

Justiça juvenil no Brasil: Continuidades e rupturas

This essay aims to resume the discussion about the trajectory of juvenile justice in Brazil. Based on the dialogue with works already carried out in the scope of Sociology, Criminology and other areas, it is intended to reflect on the possible continuities and ruptures, throughout Brazilian history, of this justice. From the Codes of Minors of 1927 and 1979 to ECA, including the creation of the Assistance Service for Minors, Funabem etc., legal operators, sectors of political elites, specialists and researchers, social movements, the press and other actors have permanently redesigned this area, by mobilizing diverse knowledge and diagnoses. It seeks to recover the complexity of such a historical trajectory in order to better reflect on the paradoxes of juvenile justice even today.O presente ensaio tem por objetivo retomar a discussão acerca da trajetória da justiça juvenil no Brasil. A partir do diálogo com trabalhos já realizados no âmbito da Sociologia, da Criminologia e áreas vizinhas, pretende-se refletir acerca das possíveis continuidades e rupturas, ao longo da história brasileira, dessa justiça no país. Dos Códigos de Menores de 1927 e 1979 ao ECA, passando pela criação do Serviço de Assistência aos Menores, da Funabem etc., operadores do direito, setores das elites políticas, especialistas e pesquisadores, movimentos sociais, imprensa e outros atores redesenharam permanentemente essa área de atuação estatal, ao mobilizar saberes e diagnósticos diversos. Busca-se recuperar a complexidade de tal trajetória histórica para melhor refletir acerca dos paradoxos da justiça juvenil ainda na atualidade

As disputas em torno da definição do modelo de justiça juvenil do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente / Controversy over the juvenile justice model underpinning the Child and Adolescent Statute

In this article, we seek to analyze a concrete process: the struggles in the political and professional arena around the definition of juvenile justice in Brazil at the end of the 1980s. The approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA) in 1990 is often represented as a rupture with the previous model, provided for in the Code for Minors (Código de Menores) of 1927 and 1979. Generally, the ECA is framed as a “revolution”, a “paradigm shift” in relation to the previous model, that is, as an expression of a rupture with the previous moment. For this, we chose to recover this struggle, seeking to capture the ways of thinking or rationalities about juvenile justice, the social representations about youth and criminality and the actors involved in this process, especially from interviews and parliamentary speeches. With this, we conclude that the juvenile justice content in ECA is the result of disputes fought in the juridical field by those identified as “garantistas” and “menoristas” and, despite bringing innovations in the sense of imposing limitations on state intervention, it still presents continuities in relation to the previous model.No presente artigo, busca-se analisar um processo concreto: as disputas travadas na arena política e profissional em torno da definição da justiça juvenil no Brasil ao final dos anos 1980. O questionamento que deu origem à pesquisa decorre do interesse em verificar se a aprovação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA), em 1990, constitui uma ruptura em relação ao modelo anterior, previsto nos Códigos de Menores de 1927 e 1979. Isso porque, geralmente, retrata-se o ECA como uma “revolução”, uma “mudança de paradigma” em relação ao modelo anterior, ou seja, como expressão de ruptura com o momento precedente. Para isso, optamos por recuperar essa disputa, buscando captar os modos de pensar ou racionalidades sobre a justiça juvenil, as representações sociais sobre jovens e criminalidade e os atores envolvidos nesse processo, especialmente a partir de entrevistas e discursos parlamentares. Com isso, concluímos que as disposições no ECA sobre justiça juvenil são resultado das disputas travadas no campo jurídico por aqueles identificados como “garantistas” e “menoristas” e que, apesar de trazerem inovações no sentido de impor limitações à intervenção estatal, ainda apresentam continuidades com relação ao modelo anterior. ==== In this article, we seek to analyze a concrete process: the struggles in the political and professional arena around the definition of juvenile justice in Brazil at the end of the 1980s. The approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA) in 1990 is often represented as a rupture with the previous model, provided for in the Code for Minors (Código de Menores) of 1927 and 1979. Generally, the ECA is framed as a “revolution”, a “paradigm shift” in relation to the previous model, that is, as an expression of a rupture with the previous moment. For this, we chose to recover this struggle, seeking to capture the ways of thinking or rationalities about juvenile justice, the social representations about youth and criminality and the actors involved in this process, especially from interviews and parliamentary speeches. With this, we conclude that the juvenile justice content in ECA is the result of disputes fought in the juridical field by those identified as “garantistas” and “menoristas” and, despite bringing innovations in the sense of imposing limitations on state intervention, it still presents continuities in relation to the previous model

As disputas em torno da definição do modelo de justiça juvenil do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente / Controversy over the juvenile justice model underpinning the Child and Adolescent Statute

In this article, we seek to analyze a concrete process: the struggles in the political and professional arena around the definition of juvenile justice in Brazil at the end of the 1980s. The approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA) in 1990 is often represented as a rupture with the previous model, provided for in the Code for Minors (Código de Menores) of 1927 and 1979. Generally, the ECA is framed as a “revolution”, a “paradigm shift” in relation to the previous model, that is, as an expression of a rupture with the previous moment. For this, we chose to recover this struggle, seeking to capture the ways of thinking or rationalities about juvenile justice, the social representations about youth and criminality and the actors involved in this process, especially from interviews and parliamentary speeches. With this, we conclude that the juvenile justice content in ECA is the result of disputes fought in the juridical field by those identified as “garantistas” and “menoristas” and, despite bringing innovations in the sense of imposing limitations on state intervention, it still presents continuities in relation to the previous model.No presente artigo, busca-se analisar um processo concreto: as disputas travadas na arena política e profissional em torno da definição da justiça juvenil no Brasil ao final dos anos 1980. O questionamento que deu origem à pesquisa decorre do interesse em verificar se a aprovação do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA), em 1990, constitui uma ruptura em relação ao modelo anterior, previsto nos Códigos de Menores de 1927 e 1979. Isso porque, geralmente, retrata-se o ECA como uma “revolução”, uma “mudança de paradigma” em relação ao modelo anterior, ou seja, como expressão de ruptura com o momento precedente. Para isso, optamos por recuperar essa disputa, buscando captar os modos de pensar ou racionalidades sobre a justiça juvenil, as representações sociais sobre jovens e criminalidade e os atores envolvidos nesse processo, especialmente a partir de entrevistas e discursos parlamentares. Com isso, concluímos que as disposições no ECA sobre justiça juvenil são resultado das disputas travadas no campo jurídico por aqueles identificados como “garantistas” e “menoristas” e que, apesar de trazerem inovações no sentido de impor limitações à intervenção estatal, ainda apresentam continuidades com relação ao modelo anterior. ==== In this article, we seek to analyze a concrete process: the struggles in the political and professional arena around the definition of juvenile justice in Brazil at the end of the 1980s. The approval of the Child and Adolescent Statute (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA) in 1990 is often represented as a rupture with the previous model, provided for in the Code for Minors (Código de Menores) of 1927 and 1979. Generally, the ECA is framed as a “revolution”, a “paradigm shift” in relation to the previous model, that is, as an expression of a rupture with the previous moment. For this, we chose to recover this struggle, seeking to capture the ways of thinking or rationalities about juvenile justice, the social representations about youth and criminality and the actors involved in this process, especially from interviews and parliamentary speeches. With this, we conclude that the juvenile justice content in ECA is the result of disputes fought in the juridical field by those identified as “garantistas” and “menoristas” and, despite bringing innovations in the sense of imposing limitations on state intervention, it still presents continuities in relation to the previous model

Criminal policy and incarceration in Brazil during Lula´s and Dilma´s administration: Elements for a review of a post-neoliberal government experience

O presente trabalho está dividido em três partes, procurando relacionar a análise das políticas penais implementadas a partir da chegada do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao governo federal em 2003 e o impacto dessas políticas, especialmente daquelas vinculadas a mudanças legislativas em matéria penal, sobre as taxas de encarceramento. Partindo da compreensão de que o período aberto, no Brasil e em outros países da América do Sul, com a ascensão ao poder de partidos vinculadas à tradição política de esquerda se caracteriza por uma tentativa de estabelecer um contraponto em relação ao período anterior, marcado por privatizações e pela redução do gasto público com políticas sociais, produzindo como resultado a redução da desigualdade social e a implementação de políticas distributivas ou compensatórias, nosso propósito foi o de identificar os principais aspectos que marcaram este período no âmbito da elaboração e implementação das chamadas políticas penais. Em um segundo momento, analisamos os dados sobre o encarceramento no Brasil neste período, que é marcado pelo crescimento ininterrupto do número de presos provisórios e definitivos, e procuramos apontar as principais causas dessa situação, em grande medida contraditória com as definições programáticas do governo federal. Por fim, procuramos apontar os principais impasses e obstáculos para uma reversão dessa tendência de crescimento do encarceramento, assim como para a implementação de um novo modelo de prevenção ao crime, levando em conta os limites do projeto político implementado nestes 12 anos para a área da segurança pública e os seus possíveis desdobramentos.SimThis paper is divided into three parts, attempting to correlate the analysis of penal policies implemented since the arrival of the Workers Party to the federal government in 2003 and the impact of these policies, especially those linked to legislative changes in criminal matters, on rates of incarceration. Based on the understanding that the period opened, in Brazil and other countries in South America, with the rise to power of parties linked to the left political tradition is characterized by an attempt to establish a counterpoint to the previous period, marked by privatization and reduction in public spending on social policy, producing results in the reduction of social inequality and implementing distributive or compensatory policies, our purpose is to identify the main aspects that marked this period in the drafting and implementation of the so called criminal policies. In a second step, we analyzed the data on incarceration in Brazil during this period, which is marked by the uninterrupted growth in the number of provisional and definitive prisoners, and we try to point out the main causes of this situation largely contradictory to the programmatic definitions of the federal government. Finally, we try to point out the main problems and obstacles to a reversal of this incarceration growth trend, as well as the implementation of a new model of crime prevention, taking into account the limits of the political project implemented in these 12 years to the area of public safety and its possible consequence

Segurança Pública, Política Criminal e Condenação no Brasil durante os Governos Lula e Dilma, 2003-2014: Mudanças e Continuidades

Since mid‐1980s crime rates in Brazil started to increase with the transition from militaryd ictatorship to democracy, a period marked by the rise of poverty and hyperinflation. Given levels of police corruption and protection of criminal gangs, trust in the criminal justice system was low, leading to a heightened dependence on private security, gated communities and the politicisation of law and order politics. An impressive punitive turn began at in the 1990s. This paper analysed penal policies under successive left‐wing Lula and Dilma governments from 2003 to 2014. During this period the rise of ‘postneoliberal’ and ‘postneoconservative’ politics, led by the Workers Party, developed governmental strategies and initiatives that formulated and legitimized rich and complex expressions of traditionally left‐wing politics. Despite the simultaneous implementation of distributive policies, the increase of human development levels throughout the country, the reduction of social inequalities and the redirection of the official discourse of Federal Government security policies towards crime prevention, incarceration rates continued to increase. This article examines why efforts to build an effective public security public committed to upholding civil rights and improving the control of police and police actives have failed.Si

Resenha do livro "Crime e Congresso Nacional: uma análise da política criminal aprovada de 1989 a 2006"

CAMPOS, Marcelo da Silveira. Crime e Congresso Nacional: uma análise da política criminal aprovada de 1989 a 2006. Rev. Bras. Ciênc. Polít.[online]. 2014, n.15, pp.315-347. ISSN 0103-3352.  http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-3352201415011

Public Security, Criminal Policy and Sentencing in Brazil during the Lula and Dilma Governments

18 páginasSubmitted by Antonio Cláudio Ribeiro Costa ([email protected]) on 2018-02-26T14:03:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 392-1-1682-4-10-20170527.pdf: 814887 bytes, checksum: 2bfae3697201030cdf25f00d1646dd2a (MD5)Approved for entry into archive by Antonio Cláudio Ribeiro Costa ([email protected]) on 2018-02-26T16:33:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 392-1-1682-4-10-20170527.pdf: 814887 bytes, checksum: 2bfae3697201030cdf25f00d1646dd2a (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-26T16:33:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 392-1-1682-4-10-20170527.pdf: 814887 bytes, checksum: 2bfae3697201030cdf25f00d1646dd2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017Universidade Federal Fluminense. Pró-Reitoria de Pesquisa, Pós-graduação e Inovação. Núcleo de Ensino, Pesquisa e Extensão de Administração Institucional de Conflitos. Niterói, RJSince mid‐1980s crime rates in Brazil started to increase with the transition from military dictatorship to democracy, a period marked by the rise of poverty and hyperinflation. Given levels of police corruption and protection of criminal gangs, trust in the criminal justice system was low, leading to a heightened dependence on private security, gated communities and the politicisation of law and order politics. An impressive punitive turn began at in the 1990s. This paper analysed penal policies under successive left‐wing Lula and Dilma governments from 2003 to 2014. During this period the rise of ‘postneoliberal’ and ‘postneoconservative’ politics, led by the Workers Party, developed governmental strategies and initiatives that formulated and legitimized rich and complex expressions of traditionally left‐wing politics. Despite the simultaneous implementation of distributive policies, the increase of human development levels throughout the country, the reduction of social inequalities and the redirection of the official discourse of Federal Government security policies towards crime prevention, incarceration rates continued to increase. This article examines why efforts to build an effective public security policy committed to upholding civil rights and improving the control of police and police activities have failed.Si

Postneoliberalismo y penalidad en América del Sur

Este libro pretende ser una contribución a alentar el desarrollo de estudios sobre la relación entre la política y la penalidad pero no en función de tratar de postular el peso de ciertas dimensiones institucionales de la misma como condiciones que hacen posible determinadas mutaciones penales. En los estudios que lo integran el énfasis está puesto en la exploración de los resultados siempre en un punto relativamente contingentes y contestables de las constantes luchas materiales y simbólicas entre los actores que tienen distintos tipos y cantidades de fuerza en el campo de la política en tiempos y lugares determinados especialmente en cómo ciertas alianzas y programas gubernamentales se aproximan a la penalidad y que continuidades o discontinuidades introducen con respecto a su pasado reciente y remoto, en el marco de unos procesos particulares de cambio político que tienen algunos elementos en común en distintos escenarios nacionales