Health risk assessment of instant noodles commonly consumed in Port Harcourt, Nigeria

The current study investigated the levels of some heavy metals [Lead (Pb), Arsenic (As), Nickel (Ni), Mercury (Hg), Copper (Cu), Cadmium (Cd), Aluminium (Al) and Chromium (Cr)] and Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons (PAHs) in six brands of instant noodles (CFN, GFC, NGP, GAA, CUN and FCS) commonly consumed in Port Harcourt, Nigeria. Risks of consumption of contaminated noodles were also assessed. Heavy metals content and PAHs were determined using Flame Atomic Absorption Spectrophotometer (AAS) and Gas Chromatography (GC), respectively. Concentration of heavy metals as Pb, Ni, Cu, Al and Cr were detected while As, Hg and Cd were not detected in noodles. High average concentration (mean ± SD mg/kg) of Pb were observed in brands CFN (3.163 ± 0.21) and GFC (1.022 ± 0.08) which were significantly higher (P≤0.05) than in NGP (0.043 ± 0.15) and GAA (0.276 ± 0.18), although all were above WHO permissible limits (0.025 mg/kg). Target Hazard Quotient and Hazard Index for Pb were >1 in brands CFN and GFC indicating unacceptable risk. Results of PAHs showed brands had total PAHs (mg/kg) in the order: CFN >CUN >GAA >NGP >FCS > GFC. Although Carcinogenic Risks associated with these noodles are within permissible range, consumption of CFN and GFC could pose greater health risk to consumers. Long term consumption of brands CUN, CFN and GAA may have higher probability of carcinogenesis among consumers. We therefore recommend more diligent regulatory policies and monitoring by relevant Government agencies (WHO, NAFDAC, CPC and SON) to ensure wholesome noodles get to consumers

Developing a health and human rights training program for french speaking Africa: lessons learned, from needs assessment to a pilot program

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>The importance of human rights education has widely been recognized as one of the strategies for their protection and promotion of health. Yet training programs have not always taken into account neither local needs, nor public health relevance, nor pedagogical efficacy.</p> <p>The objectives of our study were to assess, in a participative way, educational needs in the field of health and human rights among potential trainees in six French-speaking African countries and to test the feasibility of a training program through a pilot test. Ultimately the project aims to implement <it>a health and human rights training program most appropriate to the African context</it>.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p><it>Needs assessment </it>was done according to four approaches: Revue of available data on health and human rights in the targeted countries; Country visits by one of the authors meeting key institutions; Focus group discussions with key-informants in each country; A questionnaire-based study targeting health professionals and human rights activists.</p> <p><it>Pilot training program</it>: an interactive e-learning pilot program was developed integrating training needs expressed by partner institutions and potential trainees.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>Needs assessment showed high public health and human rights challenges that the target countries have to face. It also showed precise demands of partner institutions in regard to a health and human rights training program. It further allowed defining training objectives and core competencies useful to potential employers and future students as well as specific training contents.</p> <p>A pilot program allowed testing the motivation of students, the feasibility of an interactive educational approach and identifying potential difficulties.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>In combining various approaches our study was able to show that training needs concentrate around tools allowing the identification of basic human rights violations in the health system, the analysis of their causes and coordinated responses through specific intervention projects.</p

The evolution of the temporary protection visa regime in Australia

While the Temporary Protection Visa (TPV) regime was formally introduced in October 1999 by the Howard Government, the concept of temporary protection was not totally alien to the Australian humanitarian landscape. Earlier examples reflected a standard use of temporary protection as a complementary or interim protection mechanism, offering short-term group-based protection where individual assessment under the 1951 Convention was both impractical and untimely. This paper focuses on the wider and more controversial changes in the use of temporary protection mechanisms that were to follow with the introduction of the TPV in 1999, which offered substitute protection for individually assessed Convention refugees who had arrived onshore without valid travel documents. It examines the history and evolution of the TPV policy regime from 1999 to the announcement of its abolition in 2008, arguing that the introduction and subsequent development of the policy may be understood as a product of a conservative, exclusionist political climate in Australia, following the unprecedented impact of the populist One Nation party in 1998, and later, the impact of September 11th. It also examines later amendments to the regime as a response to growing domestic disquiet about the impacts of the policy, and the abolition of the TPV policy under a new Australian government elected in late 2007.<br /