Influence of syllable-coda voicing on the acoustic properties of syllable-onset /l/ in English

International audienceProperties of syllable onset /l/ that depend on the voicing of the syllable coda were measured for four speakers, representing different nonrhotic British English accents that differ in their phonetic realization of onset /l/ and in their system of phonological contrast involving onset /l/ and /r/. Onset /l/ was longer before voiced than voiceless codas for all four speakers, and darker for two of them as measured by lower F2 frequency, and for these two and one other as measured by spectral center of gravity (COG). There were no coda-dependent differences in f0 in the /l/, and F1 frequency differed only for the fourth speaker. The vowel was also longer for all four speakers when the coda was voiced (as expected), while F1 was lower and F2 normally higher. One speaker provided data with fricative or affricate onsets: fricated segments were longer before voiced codas, but no coda-dependent COG differences were found. At least when the onset includes /l/, phonological voicing of the coda seems to be reflected in complex acousticphonetic properties distributed across the whole syllable, some properties being localized, others not. We describe these properties as variations in a brightsomber dimension. In most accents, when the coda is voiceless, the syllable is relatively bright: small proportions of periodic energy which is relatively high frequency at the syllable edges, and a high proportion of silence or aperiodic energy. When the coda is voiced, the syllable is relatively somber: a high proportion of periodic energy which is relatively low frequency at the syllable edges, and relatively small amounts of silence and aperiodic energy. Other accents use other combinations, dependent on the phonetic and phonological properties of liquids in the particular accent. The association of onset darkness and coda voicing does not seem to be ascribable to anticipatory coarticulation of features essential to voicing itself; this observation provides support for nonsegmental models of speech perception in which fine phonetic detail is mapped directly to linguistic structure without reference to phoneme-sized segments

Final Devoicing: Principles and Parameters

This thesis addresses the problem of how to deal with the phonological event of final obstruent devoicing (FOD) in a theoretical framework based on principles and parameters rather than rules. The data used comes almost exclusively from German (Hochlautung). The first chapter presents the 'raw facts' of FOD. Its purpose is to provide an outline of the sort of data to be accounted for in the remainder of the thesis. Previous treatments of FOD in German are discussed and evaluated in the second chapter. All of them are shown to be associated with a number of problems, many of which are artifacts of inadequate theoretical frameworks. The third and fourth chapters address the questions of what FOD is and where it occurs. The proposed answer is couched in the framework of Government Phonology (Kaye, Lowenstamm & Vergnaud 1985, 1990), a phonological theory whose basic tenets are introduced in the course of the discussion. The conclusion drawn is that FOD is an instance of autosegmental licensing, where the laryngeal element L- requires licensing by a nuclear position with phonetic content. Chapter 5 explores the question of why FOD should exhibit the particular properties that it does. Both physical factors which are responsible for the general tendency of (final) obstruents to exhibit some degree of devoicing and the cognitive benefits which FOD can bring to speech recognition are investigated. The final chapter takes a new look at the concept of neutralisation in the context of FOD in German. It highlights Trubetzkoy's and Kiparsky's views of neutralisation and discusses some of the experimental work which has examined FOD as a putative process of neutralisation over the past decade. It is shown that apparent problems for phonological theory raised by the experimental studies can be resolved by Government Phonology

Energy And Symmetry In Language And Yoga

The structures of syllables and of yoga poses are compared. Syllables are tripartite, with sound segments rising in sonority (acoustic energy) to a peak, then falling. Likewise, asanas are tripartite, with symmetrical movements flanking the sustaining, vital energy peak. In both entities, then, symmetric structure flanks energy peaks. This organization is not a physical necessity, but a cognitive preference

Current issues and directions in Optimality Theory — Constraints and their interaction

This chapter provides a detailed outline of the types of constraint interaction that have been proposed by phonologists working in Optimality Theory (OT), demonstrating that constraints can be organized and interact in a wide variety of ways. It addresses the issue of the content or formalization of constraints, including functional grounding. OT was conceived as a generative theory of constraint interaction, rather than a theory of constraints or representations or processes. The heart of OT is summarized in the Richness of the Base Hypothesis, which states that all linguistic variation stems from the interaction of universal violable constraints rather than language-specific rules and restrictions on the lexicon. Constraint interaction is the source of cross-linguistic variation. The basic form of constraint interaction is considered to be ranking in a hierarchy. OT constraints are expected to be grounded either typologically or functionally, rather than just stipulated or descriptively convenient or a rephrasing of a generalization or rule

The price of a perfect system: learnability and the distribution of errors in the speech of children learning English as a first language

This study reports on a strictly-cognitive and symptomatic approach to the treatment of phonological disorders, by an effect which can also be reproduced in most normally- developing children. To explain how this works, it is necessary to address certain asymmetries and singularities in the distribution of children's speech errors over the whole range of development. Particular words occasion particular errors. In early phonology there is 'fronting' with Coronal displacing Dorsal, and harmonies where Coronal is lost. In the middle of phonological acquisition, the harmonic pattern changes with coronal harmony coming to prevail over other forms. As well as these asymmetries, there is also the case of harmonic or migratory errors involving the property of affrication, but not the affricate as a whole, i.e. ignoring the property of voicing. Many of these asymmetries and singularities and the harmony or movement of affrication are described here for the first time. They are all difficult to explain in current theoretical models, especially in 'bottom-up' models. On the basis of the 'top-down' notion of 'parameters' from recent work in phonology, I shall assume that: A) finite learnability has to be ensured; B) there can be no privileged information about the learnability target; and C) phonological theory and the study of speech development (normal and otherwise) have an object in common. I shall propose: A) a Parameter Setting Function, as part of the human genome, possibly a defining part; B) Phonological Parapraxis', as a way of characterising the generalisations here about incompetent phonology by the general mechanisms of floating' and 'non-association'; C) a Stage (_n-1) as a necessary construct in the theory of acquisition, typically not reached before 8;6; D) a' Representability Inspection' relating normal competence to Chomsky's Articulatory/ Perceptual interface', sensitive to a relation between featural properties such as roundness or labiality and prosodic properties such as the foot and syllable; E) a syndrome. Specific Speech and Language Impairment, SSLI, extending the notion of Specific Language Impairment, SLI.I shall hypothesise that: A) segmental and suprasegmental representations interact; B) the phonological learnability space is uniform and consistent; C) it is the very minimality of the learnability system which makes it vulnerable to SSLI. This: A) side-steps the implausible inference that development proceeds by the loss of 'processes'; B) accounts for at least some of the asymmetries noted above; C) lets parameters set' a degree of abstract exponence; D) makes it possible to abolish 'processes' such as fronting, lisping, consonant harmony, in favour of successive degrees of imprecision in the parameterisation; E) provides a conceptual mechanism for the cognitive and symptomatic therapy, mentioned above: the therapy effects an increase in the set of phonological structures which are 'representable' by the child

Loan Phonology

For many different reasons, speakers borrow words from other languages to fill gaps in their own lexical inventory. The past ten years have been characterized by a great interest among phonologists in the issue of how the nativization of loanwords occurs. The general feeling is that loanword nativization provides a direct window for observing how acoustic cues are categorized in terms of the distinctive features relevant to the L1 phonological system as well as for studying L1 phonological processes in action and thus to the true synchronic phonology of L1. The collection of essays presented in this volume provides an overview of the complex issues phonologists face when investigating this phenomenon and, more generally, the ways in which unfamiliar sounds and sound sequences are adapted to converge with the native language’s sound pattern. This book is of interest to theoretical phonologists as well as to linguists interested in language contact phenomena

Elements, Government, and Licensing: Developments in phonology

Elements, Government, and Licensing brings together new theoretical and empirical developments in phonology. It covers three principal domains of phonological representation: melody and segmental structure; tone, prosody and prosodic structure; and phonological relations, empty categories, and vowel-zero alternations. Theoretical topics covered include the formalisation of Element Theory, the hotly debated topic of structural recursion in phonology, and the empirical status of government. In addition, a wealth of new analyses and empirical evidence sheds new light on empty categories in phonology, the analysis of certain consonantal sequences, phonological and non-phonological alternation, the elemental composition of segments, and many more. Taking up long-standing empirical and theoretical issues informed by the Government Phonology and Element Theory, this book provides theoretical advances while also bringing to light new empirical evidence and analysis challenging previous generalisations. The insights offered here will be equally exciting for phonologists working on related issues inside and outside the Principles & Parameters programme, such as researchers working in Optimality Theory or classical rule-based phonology

The Phonology of Quantity in Icelandic and Norwegian

Tematem niniejszej rozprawy jest analiza fonologiczna iloczasu w j. islandzkim i norweskim. Podstawę teoretyczną analizy stanowi model Fonologii Rządu. W rozdz. 1. przedstawione zostały inwentarze dźwięków j. islandzkiego i norweskiego, a także hierarchia elementów prozodycznych (akcentu, iloczasu i tonu) i wpływ akcentu na dystrybucję długich i krótkich samogłosek. Rozdz. 2. przedstawia podstawowe założenia Fonologii Rządu. Rozdz. 3. poświęcony jest tzw. wzdłużeniu w otwartych sylabach i alternatywnej definicji otwartej sylaby. W rozdz. 4. analizie poddano zbitki spółgłoskowe, które występują na początku i wewnątrz wyrazów. Dla podkreślenia uniwersalności analizy, przywołano dane z j. farerskiego. Rozdz. 5. analizuje preaspirację w j. islandzkim. Opisana jest ona zarówno pod względem struktury melodycznej, jak i pozycji w sylabie. Rozdz. 6. poświęcony jest analizie spółgłosek retrofleksyjnych w j. norweskim. Rozdz. 7. rozwija opis zbitek spółgłoskowych wewnątrz słowa, skupiając się na takich, które następują tylko po krótkiej samogłosce. Rozdz. 8. prezentuje szczegółową analizę jednej spółgłoski islandzkiej, /s/, i jej znaczenia dla opisu iloczasu w tym języku. Opisano /s/ jako „podwójnego agenta” w fonologii j. islandzkiego. Rozdz. 9. konfrontuje ustaloną w regułę iloczasu z formami złożonymi morfologicznie, tj. derywatami i złożeniami. Rozdz. 10. kontynuuje dyskusję nad rolą informacji morfologicznej w analizie iloczasu. Zaproponowano opis wybranej kategorii morfologicznej tj. tworzenia czasu przeszłego.Chapter 1 briefly presents sound inventories of Icelandic and Norwegian. Chapter 2 presents basic theoretical assumptions of Government Phonology. Chapter 3 is devoted to the so-called „open syllable lengthening” in Icelandic and Norwegian. Chapter 4 discusses branching onsets in Icelandic and Norwegian. An attempt is made to explain why forms like Ic. sötr or Norw. Afrika have a stressed long vowel, although a consonant cluster follows. Chapter 5 further analyses the distribution of long and short vowels and continues the discussion on Icelandic preaspiration. Chapter 6 sheds some alternative light on the so-called retroflex consonants in Norwegian. Chapter 7 takes a closer look at what was traditionally called coda-onset contact. Chapter 8 analyses the peculiar phonological behavior of /s/ in Icelandic. Following GUSSMANN (2001a) we call it “the double agent” of Icelandic phonology. Chapter 9 is devoted to the phonology of quantity in compound words in Icelandic. Chapter 10 analyses the creation of past tense in Icelandic and Norwegian from the phonological point of view