Lingering misinterpretations of garden path sentences arise from competing syntactic representations

Recent work has suggested that readers 19 initial and incorrect interpretation of temporarily ambiguous ("garden path") sentences (e.g., Christianson, Hollingworth, Halliwell, & Ferreira, 2001) sometimes lingers even after attempts at reanalysis. These lingering effects have been attributed to incomplete reanalysis. In two eye tracking experiments, we distinguish between two types of incompleteness: the language comprehension system might not build a faithful syntactic structure, or it might not fully erase the structure built during an initial misparse. The first experiment used reflexive binding and the Gender Mismatch paradigm to show that a complete and faithful structure is built following processing of the garden-path. The second experiment used two-sentence texts to examine the extent to which the garden-path meaning from the first sentence interferes with reading of the second. Together, the results indicate that misinterpretation effects are attributable not to failure in building a proper structure, but rather to failure in cleaning up all remnants of earlier attempts to build that syntactic representation

Features and Functions: Decomposing the Neural and Cognitive Bases of Semantic Composition

In this dissertation, I present a suite of studies investigating the neural and cognitive bases of semantic composition. First, I motivate why a theory of semantic combinatorics is a fundamental desideratum of the cognitive neuroscience of language. I then introduce a possible typology of semantic composition: one which involves contrasting feature-based composition with function-based composition. Having outlined several different ways we might operationalize such a distinction, I proceed to detail two studies using univariate and multivariate fMRI measures, each examining different dichotomies along which the feature-vs.-function distinction might cleave. I demonstrate evidence that activity in the angular gyrus indexes certain kinds of function-/relation-based semantic operations and may be involved in processing event semantics. These results provide the first targeted comparison of feature- and function-based semantic composition, particularly in the brain, and delineate what proves to be a productive typology of semantic combinatorial operations. The final study investigates a different question regarding semantic composition: namely, how automatic is the interpretation of plural events, and what information does the processor use when committing to either a distributive plural event (comprising separate events) or a collective plural event (consisting of a single joint event)

Syntactic ambiguity resolution in dyslexia: An examination of cognitive factors underlying eye movement differences and comprehension failures

This study examined eye movements and comprehension of temporary syntactic ambiguities in individuals with dyslexia, as few studies have focused on sentence-level comprehension in dyslexia. We tested 50 participants with dyslexia and 50 typically-developing controls, in order to investigate (1) whether dyslexics have difficulty revising temporary syntactic misinterpretations and (2) underlying cognitive factors (i.e. working memory and processing speed) associated with eye movement differences and comprehension failures. In the sentence comprehension task, participants read subordinate-main structures that were either ambiguous or unambiguous, and we also manipulated the type of verb contained in the subordinate clause (i.e. reflexive or optionally transitive). Results showed a main effect of group on comprehension, in which individuals with dyslexia showed poorer comprehension than typically-developing readers. In addition, participants with dyslexia showed longer total reading times on the disambiguating region of syntactically ambiguous sentences. With respect to cognitive factors, working memory was more associated with group differences than was processing speed. Conclusions focus on sentence-level syntactic processing issues in dyslexia (a previously under-researched area) and the relationship between online and offline measures of syntactic ambiguity resolution

A Computational Model of Syntactic Processing: Ambiguity Resolution from Interpretation

Syntactic ambiguity abounds in natural language, yet humans have no difficulty coping with it. In fact, the process of ambiguity resolution is almost always unconscious. But it is not infallible, however, as example 1 demonstrates. 1. The horse raced past the barn fell. This sentence is perfectly grammatical, as is evident when it appears in the following context: 2. Two horses were being shown off to a prospective buyer. One was raced past a meadow. and the other was raced past a barn. ... Grammatical yet unprocessable sentences such as 1 are called `garden-path sentences.' Their existence provides an opportunity to investigate the human sentence processing mechanism by studying how and when it fails. The aim of this thesis is to construct a computational model of language understanding which can predict processing difficulty. The data to be modeled are known examples of garden path and non-garden path sentences, and other results from psycholinguistics. It is widely believed that there are two distinct loci of computation in sentence processing: syntactic parsing and semantic interpretation. One longstanding controversy is which of these two modules bears responsibility for the immediate resolution of ambiguity. My claim is that it is the latter, and that the syntactic processing module is a very simple device which blindly and faithfully constructs all possible analyses for the sentence up to the current point of processing. The interpretive module serves as a filter, occasionally discarding certain of these analyses which it deems less appropriate for the ongoing discourse than their competitors. This document is divided into three parts. The first is introductory, and reviews a selection of proposals from the sentence processing literature. The second part explores a body of data which has been adduced in support of a theory of structural preferences --- one that is inconsistent with the present claim. I show how the current proposal can be specified to account for the available data, and moreover to predict where structural preference theories will go wrong. The third part is a theoretical investigation of how well the proposed architecture can be realized using current conceptions of linguistic competence. In it, I present a parsing algorithm and a meaning-based ambiguity resolution method.Comment: 128 pages, LaTeX source compressed and uuencoded, figures separate macros: rotate.sty, lingmacros.sty, psfig.tex. Dissertation, Computer and Information Science Dept., October 199

Prepositional Phrase Attachment Ambiguities in Declarative and Interrogative Contexts: Oral Reading Data

Certain English sentences containing multiple prepositional phrases (e.g., She had planned to cram the paperwork in the drawer into her briefcase) have been reported to be prone to mis-parsing of a kind that is standardly called a “garden path.” The mis-parse stems from the temporary ambiguity of the first prepositional phrase (PP1: in the drawer), which tends to be interpreted initially as the goal argument of the verb cram. If the sentence ended there, that would be correct. But that analysis is overridden when the second prepositional phrase (PP2: into her briefcase) is encountered, since the into phrase can only be interpreted as the goal argument of the verb. Thus, PP2 necessarily supplants PP1’s initially assigned position as goal, and PP1 must be reanalyzed as a modifier of the object NP (the paperwork). Interrogative versions of the same sentence structure (Had she planned to cram the paperwork in the drawer into her briefcase?) may have a different profile. They have been informally judged to be easier to process than their declarative counterparts, because they are less susceptible to the initial garden path analysis. The study presented here represents an attempt to find a behavioral correlate of this intuitive difference in processing difficulty. The experiment employs the Double Reading Paradigm (Fodor, Macaulay, Ronkos, Callahan, and Peckenpaugh, 2019). Participants were asked to read aloud a visually presented sentence twice, first without taking any time at all to preview the sentence content (Reading 1), and then again after unlimited preview (Reading 2). The experimental items were created in a 2 x 2 design with one factor being Speech Act (declarative vs. interrogative) and the other being PP2 Status, i.e., PP2 could only be an argument of the verb iv (Arg), as above, or else PP2 could be interpreted as a modifier (Mod) of the NP within the preceding PP, as in She had / Had she planned to cram the paperwork in the drawer of her filing cabinet(?). Participants’ recordings of Reading 1 and Reading 2 were subjected to prosodic coding by a linguist who was naive to the research question. Distributions of prosodic boundaries were statistically analyzed to extract any significant differences in prosodic boundary patterns as a function of Speech Act, Reading, or PP2 Status. Logistic mixed effect regression models indicated, as anticipated, a significant effect of PP2 Status across all analyses of prosodic phrasing, and a significant effect of Reading for both analyses of prosodic phrasing that included boundary strength. Speech Act was a significant predictor in one of prosodic phrasing, but the hypothesized interaction (between Speech Act and PP2 Status) was not significant in any model. Another analysis concerned the amount of time a participant spent silently studying a sentence after Reading 1 to be confident they had understood it before reading it aloud again (Reading 2). The time between readings is referred to as the inter-reading time (IRT). It was assumed that a longer IRT signifies greater processing difficulty of the sentence. Thus, IRT was hypothesized to provide a behavioral correlate of the intuitive judgement that the interrogative garden paths are easier to process than the declarative ones. If a correlate had been found, it would have taken the form of an interaction between the two factors (Speech Act and PP2 Status) such that the IRT difference between Arg and Mod sentence versions was smaller for interrogatives than for declaratives. Ultimately, however, no statistically significant interaction between Speech Act and PP2 Status was found. Further studies seeking behavioral evidence of the informal intuition motivating this research are proposed. Also offered are possible explanations for why the intuition is apparently so strong for some English speakers, and why, if so, it is not reflected in IRT. Significant ancillary findings are that interrogatives are in general more difficult to process than corresponding declaratives. Also, inter-reading time (IRT) in the Double Reading paradigm is confirmed as a useful measure of sentence processing difficulty given that within the declarative sentences, the garden-path (Arg) versions showed significantly longer IRTs than the non-garden-path (Mod) versions

Reanalysis processes in native and non-native language comprehension

Temporarily ambiguous sentences (e.g., When Mary dressed the baby laughed happily.) are known to cause comprehension difficulties, as initially assigned interpretations (Mary dressed the baby) need to be revised but are not always fully discarded from memory. The similarities and differences between native (L1) and non-native (L2) sentence processing have been widely debated, and many studies have examined L1 and L2 ambiguity resolution. How L2 speakers deal with misinterpretation is however less known. Further, while studies have looked at ambiguous sentences, how reanalysis occurs in both L1 and L2 speakers in sentences containing filler-dependencies (e.g., It was the book which the boy read the article about.) is not known. This thesis reports three studies investigating these issues in L1 and L2 processing, using offline, eyetracking while reading and structural priming tasks. The results showed that L2 participants performed syntactic reanalysis like L1 participants during the processing of garden-path sentences, with both groups showing evidence of lingering misinterpretation. Lingering misinterpretation was also found in filler-gap sentences, but there were some L1/L2 differences in certain fillergap constructions such that reanalysis may be less complete for L2 than L1 speakers during online reading, depending on the nature of disambiguating cues and/or reanalysis difficulty. In general, the lingering misinterpretation observed in temporarily ambiguous and filler-gap sentences in both L1and L2 readers results at least partly from failures to discard initially assigned misinterpretations

Good enough processing: what have we learned in the 20 years since Ferreira et al. (2002)?

Traditionally, language processing has been thought of in terms of complete processing of the input. In contrast to this, Ferreira and colleagues put forth the idea of good enough processing. The proposal was that during everyday processing, ambiguities remain unresolved, we rely on heuristics instead of full analyses, and we carry out deep processing only if we need to for the task at hand. This idea has gathered substantial traction since its conception. In the current work, I review the papers that have tested the three key claims of good enough processing: ambiguities remain unresolved and underspecified, we use heuristics to parse sentences, and deep processing is only carried out if required by the task. I find mixed evidence for these claims and conclude with an appeal to further refinement of the claims and predictions of the theory

Statistical model of human lexical category disambiguation

Research in Sentence Processing is concerned with discovering the mechanism by which linguistic utterances are mapped onto meaningful representations within the human mind. Models of the Human Sentence Processing Mechanism (HSPM) can be divided into those in which such mapping is performed by a number of limited modular processes and those in which there is a single interactive process. A further, and increasingly important, distinction is between models which rely on innate preferences to guide decision processes and those which make use of experiencebased statistics. In this context, the aims of the current thesis are two-fold: • To argue that the correct architecture of the HSPM is both modular and statistical - the Modular Statistical Hypothesis (MSH). • To propose and provide empirical support for a position in which human lexical category disambiguation occurs within a modular process, distinct from syntactic parsing and guided by a statistical decision process. Arguments are given for why a modular statistical architecture should be preferred on both methodological and rational grounds. We then turn to the (often ignored) problem of lexical category disambiguation and propose the existence of a presyntactic Statistical Lexical Category Module (SLCM). A number of variants of the SLCM are introduced. By empirically investigating this particular architecture we also hope to provide support for the more general hypothesis - the MSH. The SLCM has some interesting behavioural properties; the remainder of the thesis empirically investigates whether these behaviours are observable in human sentence processing. We first consider whether the results of existing studies might be attributable to SLCM behaviour. Such evaluation provides support for an HSPM architecture that includes this SLCM and allows us to determine which SLCM variant is empirically most plausible. Predictions are made, using this variant, to determine SLCM behaviour in the face of novel utterances; these predictions are then tested using a self-paced reading paradigm. The results of this experimentation fully support the inclusion of the SLCM in a model of the HSPM and are not compatible with other existing models. As the SLCM is a modular and statistical process, empirical evidence for the SLCM also directly supports an HSPM architecture which is modular and statistical. We therefore conclude that our results strongly support both the SLCM and the MSH. However, more work is needed, both to produce further evidence and to define the model further

The processing of non-canonical sentences in children with German as a first or second language and German adults evidence from an eye-tracking study

Die Dissertation erforscht die online Verarbeitung und offline Interpretation von Passivsätzen und objekt-initialen Sätzen bei Kindern und Erwachsenen mit Deutsch als Erstsprache sowie Kindern mit Deutsch als Zweitsprache. Sprachliches Wissen über morphosyntaktische Hinweisreize (Auxilare und Kasusmarkierung) ist eine Voraussetzung für das zielsprachliche Verständnis dieser Sätze. Um die Verarbeitung zu untersuchen, wurden die Blickbewegungen der Sprachnutzer während des Hörens gemessen (Visual World Paradigma). Die endgültige Satzinterpretation wurde durch eine Bildauswahlaufgabe erfasst. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass alle drei untersuchten Gruppen Passivsätze korrekt interpretieren können. Kinder mit Deutsch als Zweitsprache brauchten online dabei etwas länger als Kinder mit Deutsch als Erstsprache, um zu der korrekten Interpretation zu gelangen. Bei der Verarbeitung und Interpretation objekt-initialer Sätze zeigten sich dagegen große Unterschiede zwischen den drei untersuchten Gruppen. Die Arbeit liefert neue Einsichten über die Verarbeitung deutscher nicht-kanonischer Sätze und trägt zu dem jungen Forschungsgebiet der kindlichen Zweitsprachverarbeitung bei.The dissertation investigates the online processing and offline interpretation of passive and object-first sentences in children and adults with German as a first language as well as children with German as a second language. Linguistic knowledge of morphosyntactic cues (auxiliaries and case marking) is a prerequisite for a target linguistic comprehension of these sentences. In order to inquire into participants’ processing, their eye movements while listening to the sentences were measured (Visual World Paradigm). The final sentence interpretation was collected through a sentence-picture matching task. The findings show that all three participant groups interpret passive sentences correctly. The children with German as second language needed more time than the monolingual children to reach the correct interpretation online. The processing and interpretation of object-first sentences, however, revealed considerable differences between the three participant groups. This work provides new insights into the processing of German non-canonical sentences and contributes to the young research field of early second language processing

The Interplay Of Syntactic Parsing Strategies And Prosodic Phrase Lengths In Processing Turkish Sentences

Many experiments have shown that the prosody (rhythm and melody) with which a sentence is uttered can provide a listener with cues to its syntactic structure (Lehiste, 1973, and since). A few studies have observed in addition that an inappropriate prosodic contour can mislead the syntactic parsing routines, resulting in a prosody-induced garden-path. These include, among others, Speer et al. (1996) and Kjelgaard and Speer (1999) for English. The studies by Speer et al. and Kjelgaard and Speer (SKS) showed that misplaced prosodic cues caused more processing difficulty in sentences with early closure of a clause (EC syntax) than in ones with late closure of a clause (LC syntax). One possible explanation for these results is that when prosody is misleading about the syntactic structure, the parser may ignore it and resort to a syntactic Late Closure strategy, as it does in reading where there is no overt prosodic boundary to inform the parser about the syntactic structure of the sentence. Augurzky\u27s (2006) observation of an LC syntax advantage for prosody-syntax mismatch conditions in her investigation of German relative clause attachment ambiguities provides support for this explanation. An alternative explanation considers the possibility that constituent lengths could have influenced the perceived informativeness of overt prosodic cues in these studies, as proposed in the Rational Speaker Hypothesis of Clifton et al. (2002, 2006). The Rational Speaker Hypothesis (RSH) maintains that prosodic breaks flanking shorter constituents are taken more seriously as indicators of syntactic structure than prosodic breaks flanking longer constituents, because the former cannot be justified as motivated by optimal length considerations. To test these two alternative hypotheses, four listening experiments were conducted. There was an additional reading experiment preceding the listening experiments to explore potential effects of the Late Closure strategy and constituent lengths in reading where there is no overt prosody. In all cases the target materials were temporarily ambiguous Turkish sentences which could be morphologically resolved as either LC or EC syntactic constructions. Constituent lengths were systematically manipulated in all target materials, such that the length-optimal prosodic phrasing was associated with LC syntax in one condition, and with EC syntax in the other. Experiment 1 employed a missing morpheme task developed for this study. In the missing morpheme task, underscores (length-averaged) replaced the disambiguating morphemes and participants had to insert them as they read the sentences aloud. Results revealed significant effects of phrase lengths in readers\u27 syntactic interpretations as indicated by the morphemes they inserted and the prosodic breaks they produced. Experiments 2A and 2B employed an end-of-sentence `got it\u27 task (Frazier et al., 1983), in which participants listened to spoken sentences and indicated after each one whether they understood or did not understand it. Sentences in Experiment 2A had phrase length distribution similar to the SKS English materials. Experiment 2B manipulated lengths in reverse. The stimuli had cooperating, conflicting or neutral prosody. Response time data supported an interplay of both syntactic Late Closure and RSH. Thus it was concluded that constituent lengths can indeed have a significant effect on listeners\u27 parsing decisions, in addition to the familiar syntactic parsing biases and prosodic influences. Experiments 3A and 3B used a lexical probe version of the phoneme restoration paradigm employed by Stoyneshka et al. (2010). In the phoneme restoration paradigm, the disambiguating phonemes (in the verb, in these materials) are replaced with noise (in this study, pink noise). In the lexical probe version of this paradigm (developed for this study) participants listened to the sentences with LC, EC or neutral prosody, and at the end of the sentence they were presented with a visual probe (one of the two possible disambiguating verbs, complete with all phonemes) that was congruent or incongruent or compatible with the prosody of the sentence they had heard. Their task was to respond to the visual probe either `yes\u27 (i.e., `I heard this word in the sentence I have just listened to\u27) or `no\u27 (i.e., `I didn\u27t hear this word\u27). Response time to the probe word indirectly taps which of the disambiguating morphemes on the verb the listener mentally supplies when it has been replaced by noise. The materials for Experiments 3A and 3B were identical to those used in Experiments 2A and 2B respectively except that the disambiguating phonemes were noise-replaced. Results of Experiments 3A and 3B showed that listeners were highly sensitive to the sentential prosody as revealed by their phoneme restoration responses and response time data, confirming Stoyneshka et al.\u27s findings establishing the reliability of the phoneme restoration paradigm in investigating effects of prosody in ambiguity resolution. Response time data showed a pattern similar to what SKS observed for English (except for one condition in Experiment 3A, with incongruent probes): despite the phrase length reversal in Experiment 3B, there was no influence of phrase length distribution on ambiguity resolution. This has a natural explanation in light of the difference between the `got it\u27 task with disambiguating morphology within the sentence stimulus, and the phoneme restoration task in which the listener can project onto the verb whatever morphology is compatible with the heard prosody. LC and EC were processed equally well for congruent probes, and there was an LC advantage in the incongruent and compatible probe conditions. Overall results support the hypothesis that syntactic Late Closure becomes evident in listening when prosody is absent or misleading, and also that phrase lengths can play a significant role