Особливості фіскальної політики радянської держави по відношенню до Церкви у 1917-1939 рр. (на прикладі Півдня України)

У даній статті на прикладі Півдня України розглядаються особливості застосування фіскальної політики, з урахуванням різноманітних політичних умов радянської держави та її наслідки по відношенню до Церкви та духовенства у 1917-1939 рр.In this article on an example of the South of Ukraine peculiarities of using fiscal policy in view of various political conditions of soviet country and its consequences in relation to Church and clergy in 1917-1939 are examined

Шевченкіана у пресі Волині, Полісся, Холмщини, Підляшшя 1917-2000 років

У статті на основі архівних матеріалів комплексно досліджено шевченкознавчі публікації в україномовній пресі історичної Волині, Холмщини та Підляшшя на різних етапах їх співжиття з іншими українськими етнічними територіями та в контексті загальносвітових історичних процесів ХХ століття: 1917-1939, 1939-1941, 1941-1944, 1944-1990, 1990-2000 рр.The theses explores Taras Shevchenko in the ukrainian-language press of Volyn, Holmshchyna and Pidlyashshya on different historical stages of these regions’ cohabitation with other Ukrainian ethnographic territories and in a context of the world history processes of the 20th century: 1917-1939, 1939-1941, 1941- 1944, 1944-1990, 1990-2000.В статье на основе архивных материалов комплексно исследованы шевченковедческие публикации в украиноязычной прессе исторической Волыни, Холмщини и Пидляшшя на разных этапах их сожительства с другими украинскими этническими территориями и в контексте общемировых исторических процессов ХХ века: 1917-1939, 1939-1941, 1941-1944, 1944-1990, 1990-2000 гг

THE SURROGATE COLONIZATION OF PALESTINE, 1917-1939

The "surrogate colonization" of Palestine had a foreign power giving to a nonnative group rights over land occupied by an indigenous people. It thus brought into play the complementary and conflicting agendas of three culturally distinguishable parties: British, Jews and Arabs. Each party had both "externalist" [those with no sustained practical experience of day to day life in Palestine] and "internalist" representatives. The surrogate idea was based on a "strategic consensus" involving each party's externalist camp: the British ruling elite, the leadership of the World Zionist Organization and the Hashemite Dynasty of Arabia. The collapse of this triangular consensus, which put an end to the policy but not the process of surrogate colonization, resulted from irreconcilable antagonisms within and between the major currents of each internalist camp. A focus on the land problem in Palestine highlights contradictions in each party's internalist agenda, which forestalled a rift between the Jewish and British sides of the consensus long enough for the Zionist settlement in Palestine (Yishuv) to acquire territory and to develop a largely self-sufficient economic, cultural, political and military infrastructure

Selin Jalmar Laurikkala – suomalainen pappi Inkerissä

Lectio praecursoria 4.10. 2008. Sanankuulijasta sananjulistajaksi. Naisten asema Inkerin luterilaisissa maalaisseurakunnissa 1917-1939

Аграрнае пытанне ў праграме Беларускай хрысціянскай дэмакратыі

The article considers the attitude of the Belarusian Christian Democracy to the agrarian question in 1917–1939 and its evolution within the program of BChD. BChD supported the theory of «common flow» in regard to Western Belarusian peasants and considered the nation to be working and classless = Рассматривается отношение Белорусской христианской демократии (БХД, «хадеков») к аграрному вопросу в 1917–1939 гг., показана его эволюция в программе БХД. Отмечается, что касательно западнобелорусского крестьянства «хадеки» придерживались теории «единого потока» и считали, что белорусский народ является полностью трудящимся и бесклассовым

История России 1917–1939 гг.: становление Советского государства

Учебное пособие создано в качестве учебного обеспечения гуманитарного курса «История» для обучающихся по всем направлениям и специальностям. В издании предложено целостное осмысление советского периода 1917–1939 гг. с точки зрения современного взгляда на ее развитие. Значительное внимание уделено особенностям российского исторического процесса в указанное время, его политическим и социальным характеристикам

Learning landscapes in Europe: Historical perspectives on organised adult learning 1917-1939

In a previous article addressing the ‘social organisation of adult learning practices’ in Europe in the period 1500 to 1914, the point of departure was a critique of the ‘institutional fallacy’ in the historiography of ‘adult education’ in many countries. Historical narratives predominantly tend to focus on descriptive categories of those phenomena manifesting the ‘institutional’ structures and practices that constitute the generally accepted and ‘preferred histories’ of distinctive national traditions of ‘adult education.’ Such narratives serve to construct an historical lineage for the development of long-standing forms of ‘adult education’, often with a strong celebratory purpose. However, these ‘nationalist’ institutional narratives of ‘successful’ innovations frequently manipulate the historical record with the exclusion of ‘unsuccessful’ institutions or innovations considered as having ‘failed’. Critical historiography seeks to correct the historical record through the active recovery of contributions made by otherwise ‘unremembered’, plainly ‘inconvenient’, and simply ‘embarrassing’ phenomena. Such acts of historical recovery are significantly and systematically associated with alternative, radical, subversive, and revolutionary social groups and cultural movements. The standard work on Dutch workers’ education in the early twentiethcentury, for example, devotes one footnote among 391 pages, to the repertoire of adult learning activities organised by the Union of Social Democratic Women’s Clubs (Hake et al, 1984). This suggests that the historiography of organised adult learning practices must necessarily resort to revisiting ‘forgotten sites’ of struggle, in this case an autonomous women’s organisation, that do not sit happily with widely accepted histories of ‘workers education.’ This suggests, furthermore, that the social organisation of adult learning activities can only be meaningfully comprehended in terms of the reframing of their more complex historical articulations with broader economic, social, political, and cultural forces in society.Nel precedente articolo riguardante la “organizzazione sociale delle pratiche di educazione degli adulti” in Europa nel periodo che va dal 1500 al 1914, il punto di partenza è stato una critica della “fallacia istituzionale” nella storiografia della “adult education” in molti paesi. Le narrazioni storiche tendono prevalentemente a concentrarsi su categorie descrittive di quei fenomeni, illustrando le strutture e le pratiche “istituzionali” che costituiscono le “storie privilegiate” e generalmente accettate delle particolari tradizioni nazionali di “educazione degli adulti”. Tali narrazioni sono utili per costruire una linearità storica per lo sviluppo di forme di “educazione degli adulti” di lunga durata, spesso con un forte carattere celebrativo. Tuttavia, queste narrazioni “nazionaliste” istituzionali di innovazioni “riuscite” spesso manipolano la cronaca storica attraverso l’esclusione delle istituzioni “fallite” o delle innovazioni considerate “infruttuose”. La storiografia critica cerca di correggere la cronaca storica attraverso il recupero attivo dei contributi apportati da fenomeni altrimenti “dimenticati”, del tutto “scomodi” o semplicemente “imbarazzanti”. Tali azionidi recupero storico sono associate significativamente e sistematicamente ai gruppi sociali e ai movimenti culturali alternativi, radicali, sovversivi e rivoluzionari. Il testo base sull’educazione dei lavoratori olandesi all’inizio del ventesimo secolo, per esempio, su 391 pagine dedica una nota a piè di pagina al repertorio delle attività di educazione degli adulti organizzate dall’Unione dei Circoli delle Donne Social Democratiche (Hake et al., 1984). Questo suggerisce che la storiografia delle pratiche organizzate di educazione degli adulti deve necessariamente fare ricorso alla rivisitazione dei “luoghi di battaglia dimenticati”, in questo caso un’organizzazione autonoma di donne, che non si conciliano felicemente con le storie della “educazione dei lavoratori” ampiamente accettate. Ciò indica, inoltre, che l’organizzazione sociale delle attività di educazione degli adulti può essere significativamente compresa nei termini della ricontestualizzazione della loro complessa articolazione storica con le più ampie forze economiche, sociali, politiche e culturali della società

Collective security or world domination: the Soviet Union and Germany, 1917-1939

Since the end of World War II, a rather consistent narrative has appeared regarding the origins of this terrible conflict: Hitler started it. The victorious western powers emerged as innocent victims in the titanic struggle while the USSR, once allied to both Hitler and the west, took on the role of principal villain during the Cold War. With the collapse of communism and the partial opening of Soviet archives, a re-assessment appeared, principally under the heading of the “Collective Security School.” As politically incorrect as it may seem, sober reflection indicates that the Soviet Union was actually the peacemaker in the inter-war period, while Britain and France engaged in a dangerous game of deception and underhandedness regarding the USSR. With all options exhausted, the Soviets turned to Hitler, making the attack on Poland easier. In this dissertation, I present documentary evidence of Soviet intensions and western duplicity. The Soviets did not seek to divert a conflict; they did not want war in any manner. The USSR was undergoing massive internal upheaval in economic, social, political, and military spheres. Soviet leaders could not risk an open contest for fear of losing the bigger prize: the Soviet Revolution. Soviet diplomacy pursued a consistent path of collective security until western intransigence became too great. The Nazi-Soviet Non –Aggression Pact of August 23, 1939, far from being a goal of Soviet policy, was simply a last resort