¿Es el huerto escolar ecológico una propuesta didáctica presente en las escuelas infantiles (0-3 años) de la provincia de Sevilla?

Nuestro trabajo gira en torno al huerto escolar con el propósito de ofrecer una visión clara y objetiva del lugar que este ocupa en las Escuelas Infantiles (0-3 años) de la provincia de Sevilla. Para ello, hemos optado por una investigación de corte cualitativo, donde a través de un cuestionario de preguntas abiertas y cerradas se han tratado aspectos como el papel del alumnado participante, la estructura, el carácter ecológico, la intervención de las familias, el enfoque didáctico y las experiencias desarrolladas en torno al huerto. Este instrumento se ha aplicado tanto a escuelas de carácter privado como a aquellas subvencionadas por la Junta de Andalucía. Como resultado hemos obtenido un número muy escaso de centros que incluyen esta iniciativa en sus instalaciones. Por ende, urge la necesidad de llevar a cabo investigaciones en el ámbito educativo que doten de un papel protagonista al medio ambiente.Our work revolves around the school garden with the purpose of offering a clear and objective vision of the place of it in the Nursery Schools (0-3 years) of the province of Seville. To do this, we have opted for a qualitative research, where through a questionnaire of opened and closed questions we have extracted aspects such as the role of participating students, the structure, the ecological nature, the intervention of families, the didactic approach and the experiences developed around the garden. This instrument has been applied to both private schools and those subsidized by the Junta de Andalucía. As a result, we have obtained a very limited number of centers that include this initiative in their facilities. Therefore, there is an urgent need to carry out researches in the educational field that provide the environment with a leading role.Universidad de Sevilla. Grado en Educación Infanti

Different spatial pattern of municipal prostate cancer mortality in younger men in Spain

Prostate cancer (PC) primarily affects elderly men. However, the specific features of cases diagnosed at younger ages (<65 years) suggest that they may represent a different clinical subtype. Our aim was to assess this suggestion by contrasting the geographical PC mortality and hospital admissions patterns in Spain for all ages to those in younger men. A total of 29,566 PC deaths (6% among those <65 years) were registered between 2010– 2014, with three high-mortality risk zones: Northwest Spain; Southwest Andalusia & Granada; and a broad band extending from the Pyrenees Mountains to the north of Valencia. In younger men, the spatial patterns shared the high risk of mortality in the Northwest but not the central band. The PC hospital discharge rates confirmed a North-South gradient but also low mortality/high admission rates in Madrid and Barcelona and the opposite in Southwest Andalusia. The consistent high PC mortality/morbidity risk in the Northwest of Spain indicates an area with a real excess of risk. The different spatial pattern in younger men suggests that some factors associated with geographical risk might have differential effects by age. Finally, the regional divergences in mortality and morbidity hint at clinical variability as a source of inequity within Spain.The study was supported by research grants from the Spanish Health Research Fund ISCIII cofunded by FEDER funds -a way to build Europe (http://www.isciii.es/): PFN: FIS PI11/ 00871, BPG: FIS PI12/00150, PI17CIII/00034, GLA: PI14CIII/00050, JJJM: PI15/00914; Joint Action InfAct (European Commission): BPG: HPJA- 06-2017, PFN: HP-JA-06-2017

As Forças armadas mexicanas na segurança pública: trajetórias dependentes e conflitos de poder

During the administration of Felipe Calderón (2006–2012), the Armed Forces were usedto combat organized crime in Mexico. Since then, the Mexican government has sought to changethe military doctrine and legislation to include the concept of internal security in order to legalizethe participation of the Army and Navy in public security. However, after the creation of the NationalGendarmerie within the Federal Police during the administration of Enrique Peña Nieto (2012–2018),the Army decided to strengthen the Military Police as the body in charge of internal security operations.Path dependence on the use of Armed Forces for public security purposes is being maintainedby the government of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador with the creation of the National Guard.This paper seeks to find the institutional and political causes that are behind the strengthening of theArmed Forces and the military doctrine shift towards public security in Mexico. Some of the questionsto be answered are: Which are the organizational reasons behind these changes in the Mexican Army?Are there institutional incentives in the Mexican Armed Forces that are pushing for these changes? Isthere a regional agenda, supported by the United States, which encourages these changes? Which arethe medium- and long-term consequences of these changes for the Mexican Army?Durante el gobierno de Felipe Calderón (2006–2012), las Fuerzas Armadas se utilizaron paracombatir el crimen organizado en México. Desde entonces, el gobierno mexicano ha tratado de modificar la doctrina y la legislación militar para incluir el concepto de seguridad interna con el objetivo de legalizar la participación del Ejército y la Armada en la seguridad pública. No obstante, tras la creación de la Gendarmería Nacional dentro de la Policía Federal durante la administración de Enrique Peña Nieto (2012–2018), el Ejército decidió fortalecer a la Policía Militar como el organismo encargado de las operaciones de seguridad interna. El gobierno del presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador mantiene las trayectorias dependientes del uso de las Fuerzas Armadas para fines de seguridad pública con la creación de la Guardia Nacional. Este trabajo busca encontrar las causas institucionales y políticas que están detrás del fortalecimiento de las Fuerzas&nbsp; rmadas y el cambio de doctrina militar hacia la seguridad pública en México. Algunos de los interrogantes por responder son: ¿cuáles son las razones organizacionales para estos cambios en el ejército mexicano? ¿Existen incentivos institucionales en las Fuerzas Armadas mexicanas que presionan para que se hagan estos cambios? ¿Existe una agenda regional, con el respaldo de los Estados Unidos, que aliente estos cambios? ¿Cuáles son las consecuencias a mediano y largo plazo de estos cambios para el ejército mexicano?Durante o governo de Felipe Calderón (2006-2012), as Forças Armadas foram utilizadas paracombater o crime organizado no México. Desde então, o governo mexicano tenta alterar a doutrina e alegislação militar para incluir o conceito de “segurança interna”, a fim de legalizar a participação do Exército e da Armada na segurança pública. Contudo, após a criação da Gendarmaria Nacional, dentro da Polícia Federal durante a administração de Enrique Peña Nieto (2012-2018), o Exército decidiu fortalecer a Polícia Militar como o organismo encarregado pelas operações de segurança interna. O governo do presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador mantém as trajetórias que dependem do uso das Forças Armadas para fins de segurança pública com a criação da Guarda Nacional. Este trabalho pretende encontrar as causas institucionais e políticas que estão por trás do fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e da mudança da doutrina militar na segurança pública no México. A partir disso, são levantadas algumas questões: quais são as razões organizacionais para essas mudanças no exército mexicano? Há incentivos institucionais nas Forças Armadas mexicanas que pressionam para que essas mudanças sejam feitas? Há uma agenda regional, com o apoio dos Estados Unidos, que incentive essas mudanças? Quais são as consequências em médio e longo prazo dessas mudanças para o exército&nbsp; mexicano

Humans expect generosity

Mechanisms supporting human ultra-cooperativeness are very much subject to debate. One psychological feature likely to be relevant is the formation of expectations, particularly about receiving cooperative or generous behavior from others. Without such expectations, social life will be seriously impeded and, in turn, expectations leading to satisfactory interactions can become norms and institutionalize cooperation. In this paper, we assess people’s expectations of generosity in a series of controlled experiments using the dictator game. Despite differences in respective roles, involvement in the game, degree of social distance or variation of stakes, the results are conclusive: subjects seldom predict that dictators will behave selfishly (by choosing the Nash equilibrium action, namely giving nothing). The majority of subjects expect that dictators will choose the equal split. This implies that generous behavior is not only observed in the lab, but also expected by subjects. In addition, expectations are accurate, matching closely the donations observed and showing that as a society we have a good grasp of how we interact. Finally, correlation between expectations and actual behavior suggests that expectations can be an important ingredient of generous or cooperative behavior

Voltage compensation and power factor correction in distribution networks with DVR

The stability analysis and voltage regulation in distribution systems, as well as power quality problems such as voltage sags, swells, due to connection and disconnection of large loads, short circuits and the presence of non-linear loads, require of the consideration of adequate technical solutions. In this paper, a Dynamic Voltage Restorer ( DVR ) model based on a power converter scheme for voltage compensation due to the presence of sags of amplitude since 0.1pu to 0.9pu and swells with amplitude from 1.1pu to 1.9pu, and power factor correction in distribution networks is proposed. The results are verified through MATLAB & Simulink

Collective actions of women´s organizations for peace in Colombia

En la actualidad, Colombia está llevando a cabo un proceso de paz que podría vislumbrar la paz que ansía el país. Una paz que traería el final del conflicto armado pero no sistemáticamente el final de todo tipo de violencia. Para asegurar la participación e incidencia de las mujeres en el proceso, resulta indispensable conocer antes el papel que están desempeñando actualmente las redes de mujeres colombianas que luchan a favor de la paz. Es esto, precisamente, lo que pretende este manuscrito. A través de él, se exploran las principales formas de acción política de las mujeres colombianas que deciden articularse para luchar por la consecución y la construcción de la paz. Para ello, se analizan los principales repertorios de acción colectiva, la estructura organizativa, los marcos discursivos y los impactos de dos redes de mujeres —Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres y Alianza Iniciativa de Mujeres Colombianas por la Paz—. Este análisis se ha llevado a cabo a través de técnicas cualitativas. Se han realizado, de este modo, tres entrevistas en profundidad con las principales lideresas de cada organización estudiada. Los resultados del análisis exponen, por un lado, cuáles son las diferencias y similitudes entre ambas redes a través de la observación de sus prácticas políticas y de la relación que mantienen con los conceptos paz/conflicto; y, género/feminismo. Mientras para la Ruta el eje articulador será el movimiento feminista, para la IPM lo será el marco institucional. Por otro lado, se identifican las resistencias civiles desarrolladas por las mujeres en los distintos procesos de paz colombianos, los límites encontrados por ellas mismas, las estrategias para superarlos y la salud política de estos movimientos.Currently, Colombia is conducting a peace process that could glimpse the peace the country craves. This peace would bring the end of the armed conflict but not systematically the end of all kind of violence. To ensure the participation and influence of women in this process, it is essential to know the current role performed by the Colombian women’s peace networks. This is the aim of this article. This article explores the main ways of political action undertaken by Colombian women in peacebuilding. In order to do it, we have analyzed the main repertoires of collective action, organizational structure, framing processes and impacts of two women’s networks —Women’s Pacific Route and the Initiative of Colombian Women for Peace—. This analysis was conducted using qualitative techniques. We have made thus three in-depth interviews with the main leaders of each organization studied. Our results present what are the differences and similarities between both women’s networks through the observation of their political practices and their relationship with the concepts peace/conflict; and gender/feminism. While for the Pacific Route the articulating axis is the feminist movement, for the IMP it is the institutional framework. On the other hand, we remarked on identifying civil resistance developed by women in the different Colombia’s peace processes, the limits found by themselves, the strategies to overcome them and the political health of these movements

On Gegenbauer Point Processes on the Unit Interval

In this paper we compute the logarithmic energy of points in the unit interval [-1,1] chosen from different Gegenbauer Determinantal Point Processes. We check that all the different families of Gegenbauer polynomials yield the same asymptotic result to third order, we compute exactly the value for Chebyshev polynomials and we give a closed expression for the minimal possible logarithmic energy. The comparison suggests that DPPs cannot match the value of the minimum beyond the third asymptotic term.CRUE-CSIC agreementSpringer Natur

Proyecto de actuación sobre el fondo fotográfico del Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Sevilla

Actas de las Segundas Jornadas Imagen, Cultura y Tecnología celebradas entre el 1 y el 3 de julio de 2003 en la Universidad Carlos III de MadridPublicad

Development of a stress-induced martensitic transformation criterion for a Cu-Al-Be polycrystalline shape memory alloy undergoing uniaxial tension

This study presents a criterion for predicting the martensitic variants (MVs) that appear during the stress-induced martensitic transformation (SIMT) in a polycrystalline sample of Cu 11.5% wt. Al 0.5% wt. Be under simple tension. Our criterion is based on crystallographic parameters, such as the crystal orientation and Schmid factor (SF). The displacement vector fields (DVFs) were obtained in the observation system by a mathematical model and were used to distort the boundary of a set of grains. From the DVF, the strain tensor for each grain was obtained, and the strain ratio (SR) in the observation system was calculated. Electron backscattering diffraction (EBSD) measurements were performed to determine the crystal orientation of the grains. The inverse SF was used to determine the in-plane stress transformation diagrams (STDs) for each studied grain. The combination of a balance criterion (BC) and STD provided a criterion that allowed us to predict the possible order of stress-induced MVs formed as a function of the crystal orientation and thermomechanical parameters of the shape memory alloy (SMA) with higher accuracy than when using the criteria separately. To validate our criteria, we tested other researchers published results. Our results were in agreement and were capable of predicting the stress-induced MVs in a polycrystalline SMA.The authors wish to thank the Coordinacion de estudios de posgrado (CEP)-UNAM, PAPIIT project number TI 02414 and Instituto de Tecnologia de Materiales-UPV for financial support. The authors are grateful to the Electron Microscopy Service of the UPV and especially to Manuel Josep Planes Insausti and Jose Luis Moya Lopez. The authors are grateful to Martin Estrada Arcos, Alberto Higuera Garcia, and Antonio Gonzalez Montaiio for their technical support.García Castillo, F.; Cortés Pérez, J.; Amigó Borrás, V.; Sánchez Arévalo, P.; Lara Rodríguez, G. (2015). Development of a stress-induced martensitic transformation criterion for a Cu-Al-Be polycrystalline shape memory alloy undergoing uniaxial tension. Acta Materialia. 97:131-145. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.actamat.2015.06.044S1311459

Estructuras discursivas

3 p.Para entender el análisis de discurso empleado en este libro, se deben tener en cuenta algunas observaciones breves correspondientes a las estructuras discursivas (ACD). Estas representan e involucran los grados acordes con las estructuras y la constitución de lo entendido por paraverbal, retórica, sintagmas, semánticas y fonologías, entre otros, cuyo objetivo es implementar las técnicas precisas para un análisis del discurso completo con la ayuda del estudio de cada uno de los comunicados de las FARC-EP. Asimismo, se debe considerar que estas estructuras se seleccionan según el tipo de estudio a desarrollar, las funciones textuales relevantes y necesarias para dicho estudio y también que la implicación del análisis del contenido requiere tener en cuenta formas de significado como ideologías y actitudes que los emisores y receptores expresan gramaticalmente (Wodak y Meyer, 2001)