15 research outputs found
The Role of Gender Information in Pronoun Resolution: Evidence from Chinese
Although previous studies have consistently demonstrated that gender information is used to resolve pronouns, the mechanisms underlying the use of gender information continue to be controversial. The present study used event-related potentials (ERPs) to investigate whether working memory modulates the effect of gender information on pronoun resolution. The critical pronoun agreed or disagreed with its antecedent in gender. Moreover, the distance between a pronoun and its antecedent was varied to assess the influence of working memory. Compared with the congruent pronouns, the incongruent pronouns elicited an N400 effect in the short distance condition and a P600 effect in the long distance condition. The results suggest that the effect of gender information on pronoun comprehension is modulated by working memory
ERP evidence for different strategies in the processing of case markers in native speakers and non-native learners
BACKGROUND: The present experiments were designed to test how the linguistic feature of case is processed in Japanese by native and non-native listeners. We used a miniature version of Japanese as a model to compare sentence comprehension mechanisms in native speakers and non-native learners who had received training until they had mastered the system. In the first experiment we auditorily presented native Japanese speakers with sentences containing incorrect double nominatives and incorrect double accusatives, and with correct sentences. In the second experiment we tested trained non-natives with the same material. Based on previous research in German we expected an N400-P600 biphasic ERP response with specific modulations depending on the violated case and whether the listeners were native or non-native. RESULTS: For native Japanese participants the general ERP response to the case violations was an N400-P600 pattern. Double accusatives led to an additional enhancement of the P600 amplitude. For the learners a native-like P600 was present for double accusatives and for double nominatives. The additional negativity, however, was present in learners only for double nominative violations, and it was characterized by a different topographical distribution. CONCLUSION: The results indicate that native listeners use case markers for thematic as well as syntactic structure building during incremental sentence interpretation. The modulation of the P600 component for double accusatives possibly reflects case specific syntactic restrictions in Japanese. For adult language learners later processes, as reflected in the P600, seem to be more native-like compared to earlier processes. The anterior distribution of the negativity and its selective emergence for canonical sentences were taken to suggest that the non-native learners resorted to a rather formal processing strategy whereby they relied to a large degree on the phonologically salient nominative case marker
Mediated priming in the lexical decision task:Evidence from event-related potentials and reaction time
Mediated priming in the lexical decision task:Evidence from event-related potentials and reaction time
Mediated priming (e.g., from LION to STRIPES vis TIGER) is predicted by spreading activation models hut only by some integration model. The goal of the present research was to localize mediated priming by assessing two-step priming effects on N400 and reaction times (RT). We propose that the N400 priming effect mainly reflects integration processes but, in contrast with RT. does not reflect spreading activation. The results show that RT and N400 effects can dissociate. Ln a standard lexical decision task. we found mediated priming for N400 but nor for RT. When a lexical decision to both the prime and the target was required, mediated priming was observed for both measures. but the RT effect was nut influenced by list composition. whereas the N400 effect was. We conclude that two qualitatively different processes underlie the two types of mediated priming. A process of "global integration" yields an N400 effect, whereas an RT effect is evoked by spreading activation. (C) 2000 Academic Press.</p
Mediated priming in the lexical decision task:Evidence from event-related potentials and reaction time
Mediated priming in the lexical decision task:Evidence from event-related potentials and reaction time
Mediated priming (e.g., from LION to STRIPES vis TIGER) is predicted by spreading activation models hut only by some integration model. The goal of the present research was to localize mediated priming by assessing two-step priming effects on N400 and reaction times (RT). We propose that the N400 priming effect mainly reflects integration processes but, in contrast with RT. does not reflect spreading activation. The results show that RT and N400 effects can dissociate. Ln a standard lexical decision task. we found mediated priming for N400 but nor for RT. When a lexical decision to both the prime and the target was required, mediated priming was observed for both measures. but the RT effect was nut influenced by list composition. whereas the N400 effect was. We conclude that two qualitatively different processes underlie the two types of mediated priming. A process of "global integration" yields an N400 effect, whereas an RT effect is evoked by spreading activation. (C) 2000 Academic Press
Human Language Technology and communicative disabilities: Requirements and possibilities for the future
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94470.pdf (publisher's version ) (Closed access)9 p
Information structure influences depth of syntactic processing: Event-related potential evidence for the Chomsky illusion
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102636.pdf (publisher's version ) (Open Access)Information structure facilitates communication between interlocutors by highlighting relevant information. It has previously been shown that information structure modulates the depth of semantic processing. Here we used event-related potentials to investigate whether information structure can modulate the depth of syntactic processing. In question-answer pairs, subtle (number agreement) or salient (phrase structure) syntactic violations were placed either in focus or out of focus through information structure marking. P600 effects to these violations reflect the depth of syntactic processing. For subtle violations, a P600 effect was observed in the focus condition, but not in the non-focus condition. For salient violations, comparable P600 effects were found in both conditions. These results indicate that information structure can modulate the depth of syntactic processing, but that this effect depends on the salience of the information. When subtle violations are not in focus, they are processed less elaborately. We label this phenomenon the Chomsky illusion.9 p
CNTNAP2 and language processing in healthy individuals as measured with ERPs
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102326.pdf (publisher's version ) (Open Access)The genetic FOXP2-CNTNAP2 pathway has been shown to be involved in the language capacity. We investigated whether a common variant of CNTNAP2 (rs7794745) is relevant for syntactic and semantic processing in the general population by using a visual sentence processing paradigm while recording ERPs in 49 healthy adults. While both AA homozygotes and T-carriers showed a standard N400 effect to semantic anomalies, the response to subject-verb agreement violations differed across genotype groups. T-carriers displayed an anterior negativity preceding the P600 effect, whereas for the AA group only a P600 effect was observed. These results provide another piece of evidence that the neuronal architecture of the human faculty of language is shaped differently by effects that are genetically determined.8 p