A Polányi-féle "kettős mozgás" : a brit és az amerikai hegemónia Belle Époque-jainak összehasonlítása

E cikk középpontjában a késő tizennyolcadik-kora tizenkilencedik század kettős mozgása (a brit hegemónia belle époque-ja és összeomlása), illetve a késő huszadik - kora tizenkilencedik század kettős mozgása (az amerikai hegemónia belle époque-ja és jelen válsága) összehasonlító elemzése áll. Az elmozdulás az állítólagosan önszabályozó piac irányába mindkét időszakban protekcionista ellenreakciókat váltott ki. Mindazonáltal jelentős különbségeket is felfedezhetünk – egyrészről a hegemón állam jellegének eltéréseiből fakadóan, másrészt abban, hogy az alárendelt erők a késő huszadik században jóval nagyobb szerepet játszottak abban, hogy elmozdulás történjen a piaci önszabályozás irányába

A Polányi-féle „kettős mozgás”: a brit és az amerikai hegemónia Belle Époque-jainak összehasonlítása

E cikk középpontjában a késő tizennyolcadik-kora tizenkilencedik század kettős mozgása (a brit hegemónia belle époque-ja és összeomlása), illetve a késő huszadik - kora tizenkilencedik század kettős mozgása (az amerikai hegemónia belle époque-ja és jelen válsága) összehasonlító elemzése áll. Az elmozdulás az állítólagosan önszabályozó piac irányába mindkét időszakban protekcionista ellenreakciókat váltott ki. Mindazonáltal jelentős különbségeket is felfedezhetünk – egyrészről a hegemón állam jellegének eltéréseiből fakadóan, másrészt abban, hogy az alárendelt erők a késő huszadik században jóval nagyobb szerepet játszottak abban, hogy elmozdulás történjen a piaci önszabályozás irányába

DOMINAÇÃO SEM HEGEMONIA E OS LIMITES DO PODER MUNDIAL DOS ESTADOS UNIDOS

Many analyses point to Trump’s behavior on the world stage – bullying and racketeering more reminiscent of a mobster than a statesman – as a personal character flaw. But while this behavior was shocking in its crudeness, Trump marks the culmination of a decades-long trend that shifted US foreign policy from a regime of “legitimate protection” in the mid-20th century to a “protection racket” by the turn of the 21st century. Although the temperaments of successive presidents have mattered, the problems faced by the US and its international role are not attributable to personalities, but are rather fundamentally structural, in large part stemming from the contradictions of the country’s attempts to cling to preeminence before a changing global power distribution. The inability of successive US administrations – Trump and Biden included – to break with the mindset of US primacy has resulted in a “domination without hegemony,” in which the United States plays an increasingly dysfunctional role. This dynamic has plunged the world into a period of systemic chaos analogous to the first half of the 20th century.De nombreuses analyses soulignent que le comportement de Trump sur la scène mondiale – intimidation et extorsion rappelant davantage un mafieux qu’un homme d’État – est un défaut de caractère personnel. Si ce comportement était choquant par son manque de politesse, Trump marque l’aboutissement d’une tendance de plusieurs décennies qui a transformé la politique étrangère américaine, passant d’un régime de “protection légitime” au milieu du XXe siècle à un “racket de protection extorqué” au début du XXIe siècle. Si les tempéraments des présidents successifs ont été important, les problèmes auxquels sont confrontés les États-Unis et leur rôle international ne sont pas imputables à des personnalités, mais sont fondamentalement structurels, découlant pour la plupart des contradictions de leurs tentatives de s’accrocher à leur prééminence face aux transformations de la répartition mondiale du pouvoir. L’incapacité des gouvernements nord-américains successifs – y compris Trump et Biden – à rompre avec la mentalité de primauté des États-Unis a abouti à une situation de “domination sans hégémonie” dans laquelle ils jouent un rôle de plus en plus dysfonctionnel. Cette dynamique a plongé le monde dans une période de chaos systémique analogue à celle de la première moitié du XXe siècle.Muitas análises apontam para o comportamento de Trump no cenário mundial – intimidação e extorsão que mais lembram a um mafioso que a um estadista – como falha de caráter pessoal. Embora esse comportamento tenha sido chocante na sua falta de polidez, Trump marca o culminar de uma tendência de décadas que transformou a política externa dos EUA de um regime de “proteção legítima” em meados do século XX num “esquema extorsivo de proteção” na virada do século XXI. Embora os temperamentos de sucessivos presidentes tenham sido importantes, os problemas enfrentados pelos EUA e seu papel no mundo não são atribuíveis a personalidades, mas são fundamentalmente estruturais, majoritariamente decorrentes das contradições de suas tentativas de se agarrar à sua preeminência diante das transformações na distribuição global de poder. A incapacidade de seus sucessivos governos – incluindo Trump e Biden – de romper com a mentalidade de primazia dos EUA resultou numa situação de “dominação sem hegemonia”, na qual desempenham papel cada vez mais disfuncional no mundo. Essa dinâmica mergulhou o mundo num período de caos sistêmico análogo à primeira metade do século XX.

China als neuer Mittelpunkt der globalen Arbeiterunruhe

Contrary to the common thesis in the literature on globalization, that the rapid growth of manufacturing in China has launched a race to the bottom concerning wages and working conditions, the rise of class struggles in China provides evidence in support of the thesis: where capital goes, labor-capital conflict shortly follows. The world historical impact of the rise of class struggle in China is evaluated by looking on different and overlapping responses by capital: geographical relocation (spatial fix), modernizing of technology and work organization, and the trajectory of the product cycle. These analytical tools are used to interpret the findings of recent fieldwork by Zhang in automobile manufacturers in China, which hint to the fact, that a stable social compact is unlikely to be reached in the „standardization phase“ of the product cycle. The implications of the further rise of labor unrest in China for the global labor movements are not yet clear. What is missing is a vision of new forms of labor organization in face of the threat of a catastrophic collapse of global capitalism

Sensing the fuels: glucose and lipid signaling in the CNS controlling energy homeostasis

The central nervous system (CNS) is capable of gathering information on the body’s nutritional state and it implements appropriate behavioral and metabolic responses to changes in fuel availability. This feedback signaling of peripheral tissues ensures the maintenance of energy homeostasis. The hypothalamus is a primary site of convergence and integration for these nutrient-related feedback signals, which include central and peripheral neuronal inputs as well as hormonal signals. Increasing evidence indicates that glucose and lipids are detected by specialized fuel-sensing neurons that are integrated in these hypothalamic neuronal circuits. The purpose of this review is to outline the current understanding of fuel-sensing mechanisms in the hypothalamus, to integrate the recent findings in this field, and to address the potential role of dysregulation in these pathways in the development of obesity and type 2 diabetes mellitus

The political economy machinery: toward a critical anthropology of development as a contested capitalist practice

This article discusses anthropology’s current mainstream understandings of development and offers a historical materialist alternative. According to these, development was and is either a discourse-backed anti-politics machine that strengthens the power of postcolonial governments or a category of practice, a universal that generates frictions when it clashes with local historical–cultural formations. The approach proposed here reintegrates the analysis of development into the anthropological analysis of capitalism’s uneven and contested histories and practices. A reassessment of World Bank reporting on Lesotho and an analysis of the Bank’s impact on the wider policies of development in postcolonial Mauritius, one of the twentieth century’s preeminent success stories of capitalist development, underlines that development is best understood as a political economy machinery that maintains and amends contested capitalist practices in an encounter with earlier global, national, and local historical–cultural formations

Workers North and South

The purpose of this paper is to highlight the relationship between the unevenness of capitalist development on a world scale and processes of working-class formation both before and during the current crisis. Our main argument is that, contrary to widespread opinion, the so-called North-South divide continues to constitute (as it has throughout the twentieth century) the main obstacle to the formation of a homogeneous world proletarian condition. In spite of the relocation of industrial activities from North to South typical of the current crisis, conditions of working-class formation remain thoroughly dependent on the huge and still widening gap that separates the wealth, status and power of a relatively small number of Western countries from those of the countries that contain the vast majority of the world's population. Any meaningful attempt to reconstruct socialist politics must put the overcoming of this gap at the centre of its theoretical and practical concerns