¿Una nueva Marcha del Fascismo sobre Occidente?

Today «Brown Scares» are the order of the day in many countries in Europe and the Americas. Why is this the case in anti-fascist age when fascism is not really on the march? I want to advance the argument that there are few fascists remaining today in Euro-American societies, but that «Brown Scares» have been revived in various decades since the 1950s. These «Brown Scares» are used by the establishment to undermine political opponents and to engage in more authoritarian mechanisms against enemies of the current pro-liberal and pro-capitalist establishment.El «pánico marrón» está a la orden del día en muchos países de Europa y América. ¿Por qué ocurre esto en la era antifascista, cuando el fascismo no está realmente en marcha? El argumento principal de este artículo es que actualmente quedan pocos fascistas en las sociedades euroamericanas, a pesar de ello, los «miedos pardos» se han reavivado en diversas épocas históricas desde la década de 1950. Estos «Brown Scares», sin embargo, son utilizados por el establishment para socavar a los oponentes políticos y para emprender mecanismos más autoritarios contra los enemigos del actual sistema pro-liberal y pro-capitalista

If Fascism Is Not Really On the March, Then Why the Constant ‘Brown Scares’?

¿Qué es exactamente el fascismo? Los fascistas se veían a sí mismos como creadores de la unidad entre el capital y el trabajo y el fascismo como una ideología revolucionaria antiliberal, anticomunista y anticonservadora, que mezcla ideales ultranacionalistas antiliberales y marxistas revisionistas, y que nació durante las múltiples crisis de los años de entreguerras. Es un tipo de "socialismo" en nombre de la nación, que supuestamente renace tras un periodo de decadencia y declive. Los fascistas son, por tanto, anticapitalistas (y anticomunistas) y, por extensión, "antimaterialistas". Pretenden crear una comunidad nacional unificada, que no se vea desgarrada por las divisiones de las desigualdades capitalistas ni por el enfrentamiento comunista entre burguesía y proletariado. Los fascistas consideran que el liberalismo, el sistema parlamentario y los legados igualitarios y de derechos de las revoluciones estadounidense y francesa son individualistas y, por tanto, antitéticos a la causa primordial de la nación.Today “Brown Scares” are the order of the day in many countries in Europe and the Americas. Why is this the case in anti-fascist age when fascism is not really on the march? I want to advance the argument that there are few fascists remaining today in Euro-American societies, but that “Brown Scares” have been revived in various decades since the 1950s. These “Brown Scares” are used by the establishment to undermine political opponents and to engage in more authoritarian mechanisms against enemies of the current pro-liberal and pro-capitalist establishment

Putting ‘Emotional Intelligences’ in their place: Introducing the Integrated Model of Affect-related Individual Differences

Numerous individual differences, models, and measures have been associated with the ‘emotional intelligence’ (EI) label. This paper discusses one of the most pervasive problems regarding EI-related individual differences, namely, the lack of a meaningful theoretical framework. First, drawing upon existing theoretical frameworks, we argue that EI-related characteristics can be considered constituents of existing models of cognitive ability (ability EI), personality (trait EI), and emotion regulation (EI competencies). Second, having differentiated between these perspectives (ability, personality, and emotion regulation), we draw upon existing theory and research to build the Integrated Model of Affect-related Individual Differences (IMAID), which provides an initial mechanistic representation that explains how the different EI-related constructs are likely to interrelate and coalesce to influence affective outcomes. In essence, the IMAID is an integrated mediation model in which emotion regulation mediates the effects of ability EI and affect-related personality traits upon outcomes. Viewing EI-related constructs as interrelated extensions of well-established individual difference frameworks clarifies some pervasive misconceptions regarding EI-related characteristics and provides scholars and practitioners with a clear and useful theoretical framework ripe for exploration. We conclude by using the IMAID to suggest a theoretically driven agenda for future research

Debating with the Nouvelle Droite: What did I learn?

This is the third article in our series Trouble on the­ Far-Right. I am the author of two books about the French nouvelle droite (ND – New Right): Where Have All The Fascists Gone? and Rethinking the French New Right: Alternatives to modernity. In 2014, I published a piece entitled „The French New Right Neither Right, nor Left?“. Surprisingly, the French ND leader Alain de Benoist responded with a polemical and largely ad hominem article in the same journal.1 I must stress that I neither identify with a political party, nor a political movement. I do not support any ideological current. De Benoist does. He is self-described as a man of the right. Hence, he cannot even claim intellectual objectivity. In this piece, I want to offer some comments on my debate with de Benoist. I argue that while we should strive towards intellectual objectivity, we cannot be silent in the face of falsehoods. In this respect, the ND plays a dishonest game. Its leader and other ND intellectuals feign intellectual objectivity and the platitudes of transcending right and left, but they want cultural hegemony and the triumph of their decidedly radical right-wing ideals..

The ambiguities of the intellectual European New Right, 1968-1999 /

The subject of this dissertation is the intellectual European New Right (ENR), also known as the nouvelle droite. A cultural "school of thought" with origins in the revolutionary Right and neo-fascist milieus, the nouvelle droite was born in France in 1968, the year of the spectacular student and worker protests. In order to rid the Right of its negative connotations, the nouvelle droite borrowed from the New Left ideals of the 1968ers. In a Gramscian mould, it situated itself exclusively on the cultural terrain of political contestation in order to challenge what it considered the ideological hegemony of dominant liberal and leftist elites. This metapolitical focus differentiated the nouvelle droite from both the parliamentary and radical, extra-parliamentary forces on the Right.This dissertation traces the cultural, philosophical, political, and historical trajectories of the French nouvelle droite in particular and the ENR in general. The dissertation argues that the ENR worldview is an ambiguous synthesis of the ideals of the revolutionary Right and New Left, and that it is neither a new form of cultural fascism, nor a completely novel political paradigm. In general, the ENR symbiotically fed off the cultural and political twists of the Left and New Left, thus giving it a degree of novelty. In the 1990s, the ENR has taken on a more left wing and ecological aura rather than a right-wing orientation. As a result, some critics view this development as the formulation of a radically new, post-modern and post-fascist cultural and political paradigm. Yet, other critics contend that the ENR has created a repackaged form of cultural fascism.The nouvelle droite has been able to challenge the main tenets of its "primary" enemy, namely, the neo-liberal Anglo-American New Right. Moreover, it has restored a measure of cultural respectability to a continental right-wing heritage battered by the burden of 20th century history. In an age of rising economic globalization and cultural homogenization, its anti-capitalist ideas embedded within the framework of cultural preservation might make some political inroads into the Europe of the future

Ciencias sociales y relaciones internacionales : nuevas perspectivas desde América Latina

El valor de este libro radica en una doble condición: por una parte da cuenta de varias preocupaciones académicas persistentes en la disciplina; y por otra, contribuye a llenar el vacío de producción teórica en la región. El libro se organiza con una lógica que expone debates que van desde la reflexión epistemológica al análisis de la política exterior, y recorre campos relevantes para el desarrollo y comprensión de la disciplina. En América Latina, el desarrollo de los estudios internacionales es, en términos históricos, relativamente reciente. Durante buena parte del siglo XX, la mayoría de escuelas vinculadas a esta actividad estuvieron subsumidas en las Facultades de Jurisprudencia, y seguían una vieja tradición regional, anclada en perspectivas legales. Tres condiciones del entorno podrían explicar esta realidad

Discriminaciones socioculturales globales: entre el fútbol y la política

En mayo del año pasado, con motivo del torneo mundial de Rusia 2018, publicamos una obra colectiva denominada: “Política Global y Fútbol: El deporte como preocupación de las Ciencias Sociales” (https://www.clacso.org.ar/libreria-latinoamericana/libro_detalle.php? d_libro=1413&pageNum_rs_libros=1&totalRows_rs_libros=1334). Este libro enfoca el fútbol en la perspectiva de las Ciencias Sociales, en particular las Relaciones Internacionales. Gira en torno a la idea de que ese deporte dejó de tener una naturaleza estato-céntrica para adquirir ciudadanía global. Es así como se estudian tópicos tales como la geopolítica y economía del fútbol y su vinculación con los Estados, el problema de los nacionalismos ligados al deporte, la FIFA y los escándalos de corrupción, la diplomacia deportiva, la psicología del futbolista, entre otros. Ese primer libro pretendía brindar aristas del fútbol tomado como objeto social, poniendo al descubierto aspectos relevantes que el espectador de un partido no está acostumbrado a ver. Sin embargo, una vez que se publicó y que pasó Rusia 2018, caímos en la cuenta de que hacía falta otra obra que relacionara la política con ese deporte, sobre todo en términos de desigualdades. Nos motivó varios ejes que han sido constantes en la historia del fútbol, desgraciadamente no de carácter positivo, lejos de ello, y que sobresalieron en la última copa mundial. Nos referimos a capítulos oscuros como el machismo, la escasa presencia femenina, el racismo, la violencia en las canchas, y la inequidad entre países pobres y ricos y su incidencia en la capacidad futbolística. En este propósito subyacía a la vez un deseo analítico de presentar esas crudas realidades del lado oscuro de ese deporte, como propositivo: el fútbol bien manejado puede convertirse en un instrumento de desarrollo humano de personas y de sociedades. Así nació esta aventura: “Discriminaciones socioculturales globales: entre el fútbol y la política”. Una obra como esta es el resultado del esfuerzo conjunto de una serie de personas e instituciones. Sin lugar a duda, el aporte fundamental ha sido el de los autores y autoras, que han colaborado gratuitamente con este proyecto compartiendo el resultado de sus investigaciones. La Escuela de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Nacional, Costa Rica, apoyó esta iniciativa. Finalmente, el Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO) asumió la tarea de brindar su sello editorial y de darle amplia difusión a nivel regional. Este trabajo se inscribe en el proyecto de investigación: 074-13 “El fenómeno de la integración regional en Relaciones Internacionales: una contribución teórica a la disciplina a partir de la crítica a la colonialidad del poder y el cosmopolitismo”, de la Escuela de Relaciones Internacionales y de la Vicerrectoría de investigación de la Universidad Nacional, Costa Rica.In May last year, on the occasion of the Russia 2018 World Cup, we published a collective work entitled: "Global Politics and Football: Sport as a Social Science Concern" (https://www.clacso.org.ar/libreria- atinoamericana/libro_detalle.php?id_libro=141313&pageNum_rs_libros=1&totalRows_rs_libros=1334). This book approaches soccer in the perspective of the Social Sciences, in particular International Relations. International Relations in particular. It revolves around the idea that this sport is no longer of a sport ceased to have a state-centric nature in order to acquire global citizenship. Thus, topics such as the geopolitics and economics of soccer and its link with the States, the problem of nationalisms linked to sport, the nationalism linked to sport, FIFA and corruption scandals, sports diplomacy, the psychology of sport, and the diplomacy, the psychology of the soccer player, among others. This first book was intended to provide an overview of soccer as a social object, uncovering relevant aspects social object, revealing relevant aspects that the spectator of a match is not used to seeing. match spectators are not used to seeing. However, once it was published and Russia 2018 was over, we realized that another work was needed. that there was a need for another work that related politics to this sport, especially in terms of inequality sport, especially in terms of inequalities. We were motivated by several axes that have been constant in the history of soccer, unfortunately not of a positive nature, far from it, and that positive character, far from it, and which stood out in the last World Cup. We refer to dark chapters such as male chauvinism, the scarce presence of women, racism, violence on the fields, and the inequality between rich and poor countries and its impact on rich and poor countries and their impact on soccer ability. Underlying this purpose was both an analytical desire to present these stark realities of the dark side of soccer. the crude realities of the dark side of the sport, as well as a proposition: football, well managed well managed soccer can become an instrument for the human development of people and societies. development of people and societies. Thus was born this adventure: "Global sociocultural discriminations: between football and soccer and politics" was born. A work like this is the result of the joint effort of a series of people and institutions. people and institutions. Undoubtedly, the fundamental contribution has been that of the authors, both men and women. the authors, who have collaborated freely with this project by sharing the results of their research. project by sharing the results of their research. The School of The School of International Relations of the Universidad Nacional, Costa Rica, supported this initiative. this initiative. Finally, the Latin American Council of Social Sciences (CLACSO) assumed the task of providing its editorial imprint and disseminating it widely at the regional level dissemination at the regional level. This work is part of research project 074-13 "The Phenomenon of Regional Integration in International Relations: a theoretical contribution to the discipline from the perspective of the theoretical contribution to the discipline based on the critique of the coloniality of power and cosmopolitanism", of the School of International Relations and the Vice-Rectory of Research of the Universidad Nacional, Costa Rica.Escuela de Relaciones Internacionale

Ciencias Sociales y Relaciones Internacionales : nuevas perspectivas desde América Latina

Esta obra es un modesto intento para situar la disciplina de las Relaciones Internacionales dentro de las Ciencias Sociales, pero con una visión desde América Latina. El conjunto de trabajos, que se solicitaron expresamente a autoras y autores, se agrupa en tres secciones: i) Epistemología e Investigación; ii) Enfoques teóricos y metodológicos y iii) Estudio de casos.This work is a modest attempt to place the discipline of International Relations within the Social Sciences, but with a view from Latin America. The set of works, which is expressly requested from authors, is grouped into three sections: i) Epistemology and Research; ii) Theoretical and methodological approaches and iii) Case studies.Universidad Nacional, Costa RicaIDESPOCLACSOEscuela de Relaciones Internacionale