122 research outputs found

    Involutive Nonassociative Lambek Calculus: Sequent Systems and Complexity

    Get PDF
    In [5] we study Nonassociative Lambek Calculus (NL) augmented with De Morgan negation, satisfying the double negation and contraposition laws. This logic, introduced by de Grooté and Lamarche [10], is called Classical Non-Associative Lambek Calculus (CNL). Here we study a weaker logic InNL, i.e. NL with two involutive negations. We present a one-sided sequent system for InNL, admitting cut elimination. We also prove that InNL is PTIME.Zadanie „ Wdrożenie platformy Open Journal System dla czasopisma „ Bulletin of the Section of Logic” finansowane w ramach umowy 948/P-DUN/2016 ze środków Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego przeznaczonych na działalność upowszechniającą naukę

    Grammatical structures and logical deductions

    Get PDF
    The three essays presented here concern natural connections between grammatical derivations and structures provided by certain standard grammar formalisms, on the one hand, and deductions in logical systems, on the other hand. In the first essay we analyse the adequacy of Polish notation for higher-order languages. The Ajdukiewicz algorithm (Ajdukiewicz 1935) is discussed in terms of generalized MP-deductions. We exhibit a failure in Ajdukiewicz’s original version of the algorithm and give a correct one; we prove that generalized MP-deductions have the frontier property, which is essential for the plausibility of Polish notation. The second essay deals with logical systems corresponding to different grammar formalisms, as e.g. Finite State Acceptors, Context-Free Grammars, Categorial Grammars, and others. We show how can logical methods be used to establish certain linguistically significant properties of formal grammars. The third essay discusses the interplay between Natural Deduction proofs in grammar oriented logics and semantic structures expressible by typed lambda terms and combinators

    The Lambek calculus with iteration: two variants

    Full text link
    Formulae of the Lambek calculus are constructed using three binary connectives, multiplication and two divisions. We extend it using a unary connective, positive Kleene iteration. For this new operation, following its natural interpretation, we present two lines of calculi. The first one is a fragment of infinitary action logic and includes an omega-rule for introducing iteration to the antecedent. We also consider a version with infinite (but finitely branching) derivations and prove equivalence of these two versions. In Kleene algebras, this line of calculi corresponds to the *-continuous case. For the second line, we restrict our infinite derivations to cyclic (regular) ones. We show that this system is equivalent to a variant of action logic that corresponds to general residuated Kleene algebras, not necessarily *-continuous. Finally, we show that, in contrast with the case without division operations (considered by Kozen), the first system is strictly stronger than the second one. To prove this, we use a complexity argument. Namely, we show, using methods of Buszkowski and Palka, that the first system is Π10\Pi_1^0-hard, and therefore is not recursively enumerable and cannot be described by a calculus with finite derivations

    Extending Lambek Grammars to Basic Categorial Grammars

    No full text
    Pentus [24] proves the equivalence of LCG's and CFG's, and CFG's are equivalent to BCG's by the Gaifman theorem [1]. This paper provides a procedure to extend any LCG to an equivalent BCG by affixing new types to the lexicon; a procedure of that kind was proposed as early, as Cohen [12], but it was deficient [4]. We use a modification of Pentus' proof and a new proof of the Gaifman theorem on the basis of the Lambek calculus. 1 Introduction and preliminaries A categorial grammar is a quadruple G = (V G ; I G ; s G ; RG ), such that VG is a nonempty finite lexicon (alphabet), I G is a mapping which assigns a finite set of types to each atom v 2 VG , s G is a designated atomic type, and RG is a type change system. One refers to VG ; I G ; s G and RG as the lexicon, the initial type assignment, the principal type and the system of G. We say that G assigns type a to string v 1 . . . v n (v i 2 VG ), if the sequent a 1 . . . a n ! a is derivable in RG , for some a i 2 I G (v i ), i ..
    corecore