Income Shocks, Inequality, and Democracy

In this paper, motivated by contradictory evidence on the effect of income on democracy, we investigate the hypothesis that it is income shocks – major income fluctuations relative to the trend – rather than marginal year‐on‐year variation in income levels that lead to non‐trivial changes in the quality of political institutions. Empirical results provide support for this hypothesis, and show how income inequality plays a crucial role in the effects of economic shocks on democracy. In particular, negative income shocks reveal a positive effect on democracy in countries with high inequality, and vice versa

Law in other contexts: stand bravely brothers! a report from the law wars

This essay argues against the two pillars of current research on law and globalisation, from the perspective of legal theory and political philosophy: first, the distinction between ‘well-ordered’ and ‘not so well-ordered’ societies; second, the sociological model of the subject as pacified, fearful and isolated (to sum up, in harmony). It is argued that mainstream legal theory and political philosophy merely reflects the actual rules of the game of competition, dispute and conflict. In contrast, this essay takes sides with the anthropological and philosophical tradition that conceives the subject as antagonistic and in state of lack, profoundly concerned with the other, whom she imitates and whose standpoint she must be able to share if she is to make sense of the world. Furthermore, it is argued that transitivity or imitation lies at the very origin of conflict and dispute; lack and antagonism remain thus at the core of society, in spite of the surface appearance of harmony that characterises post-modern societies. Because of this, any general theory of law and society that wishes to be relevant at the time of globalisation must make the experience of antagonism and violence, motivated by imitation and envy, and its containment, its object of study. To do this, it must abandon the dualist conception of subjects and societies expressed in the distinction between ‘well-ordered’ (more violent) and ‘not-so-well-ordered’ (less violent) societies that has informed its investigation to this day, in order to declare in the most general terms a critique of violence from the standpoint of the victim, as of a piece with its demand for global social and political justice. Description from publisher website at: http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayIssue?jid=IJC&volumeId=4&issueId=02&iid=243936

De la démocratie en Amérique

Copia digital. Madrid : Ministerio de Cultura. Subdirección General de Coordinación Bibliotecaria, 200

La virtud cívica como concepto sociológico. Definición y extensión social

This paper attempts to offer a number of basic lines for what endeavours to be a sociological definition of civic virtue. Civic virtue is defined as a motivation for public-spirited action. The paper argues that civic virtue is constituted by motivations, which cause specific actions, not by behaviours or character dispositions. In the same way, it is also claimed that virtuous motivations can consist either on motivations to cooperate and to punish free-riders or on supportive and altruistic ones. However, it is remarked that moral motivations and, particularly, altruistic motivations, are not always virtuous. Finally, the social extension of civic virtue consists in the emergence of a publicly spirited body of moral and social norms. This fact, and others that we will see throughout the paper, offer reasons in favour of conceiving the correct articulation between civic virtue and institutional design as a social optimum.<br><br>En este trabajo se intenta ofrecer algunas líneas básicas de lo que debería ser una definición sociológica del concepto de virtud cívica. Se sostiene que debemos entender la virtud cívica como la motivación para actuar de forma públicamente orientada. Se argumenta que la virtud cívica es constituida por las motivaciones que causan las acciones concretas, no por las conductas ni por las disposiciones de carácter. Asimismo, también se sostiene que las motivaciones virtuosas pueden consistir en motivaciones para la cooperación y para sancionar a los que no cooperen, así como en motivaciones de tipo solidario y altruista. No obstante, se sostiene también que no todas las motivaciones morales y, en particular, no todas las motivaciones altruistas pueden ser calificadas de virtuosas. Finalmente, se argumenta que la extensión social de la virtud cívica debe consistir en la extensión de un cuerpo de normas morales y sociales públicamente orientadas. En este sentido, se aportan razones en favor de concebir la correcta articulación entre virtud cívica y diseño institucional como un óptimo social

Drivers and outcomes of work alienation: reviving a concept

This article sheds new light on an understudied construct in mainstream management theory, namely, work alienation. This is an important area of study because previous research indicates that work alienation is associated with important individual and organizational outcomes. We tested four antecedents of work alienation: decision-making autonomy, task variety, task identity, and social support. Moreover, we examined two outcomes of alienation: deviance and performance, the former measured 1 year after the independent variables were measured, and the latter as rated by supervisors. We present evidence from a sample of 283 employees employed at a construction and consultancy organization in the United Kingdom. The results supported the majority of our hypotheses, indicating that alienation is a worthy concept of exploration in the management sciences

Civil Liberties and Volunteering in Six Former Soviet Union Countries

To contribute to the debate as to whether volunteering is an outcome of democratization rather than a driver of it, we analyze how divergent democratization pathways in six countries of the former Soviet Union have led to varied levels of volunteering. Using data from the European Values Study, we find that Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia—which followed a Europeanization path—have high and increasing levels of civil liberties and volunteering. In Russia and Belarus, following a pre-emption path, civil liberties have remained low and volunteering has declined. Surprisingly, despite the Orange Revolution and increased civil liberties, volunteering rates in Ukraine have also declined. The case of Ukraine indicates that the freedom to participate is not always taken up by citizens. Our findings suggest it is not volunteering that brings civil liberties, but rather that increased civil liberties lead to higher levels of volunteerin

European “freedoms”: a critical analysis

Faced with the present migrant crisis and the dismal record of Europe in protecting vulnerable refugees’ and migrants’ rights, what could be the view of the moral philosopher? The contrast between the principles enshrined in the European Charter of Fundamental Rights and the reality of present policies is shocking, but more scrutiny will show that it is the result of a larger trend towards an understanding of freedom mostly in economic terms, at a time when economists such as Amartya Sen have revised their approach to economic growth and prosperity, noting the central role played by a much richer conception of freedom. The paper will scrutinize these inconsistencies and the conception of the person from which they derive and will provide an alternative and more coherent moral vision that could strengthen the legitimacy of the European Charter, at a time of growing dissatisfaction and so-called democratic deficit. Such a vision could help reconnect the Charter with a conception of the human person as in need not solely of passive legal protection, but also of active promotion of her self-respect and capabilities, and of her aspiration to a valuable life