36 research outputs found
Cristãos(ãs)-Novos(as), Mouriscos(as), Judeus e Mouros. Diálogos em trânsito no Portugal Moderno (séculos XVI-XVII)
O artigo propõe-se, por um lado, explicitar a diferenciação entre os vários indivíduos e grupos judeus e muçulmanos, e conversos, assim como analisar, dentro destes, as atitudes religiosas numa perspetiva de género
Jewish Studies in Portugal
Este artigo pretende informar e refletir sobre os estudos judaicos em Portugal, no período contemporâneo. O seu principal objetivo não consiste numa enumeração de autores e trabalhos associados a este campo de estudo (numa mera perspetiva historiográfica acrítica) mas, sobretudo, numa reflexão das mais importantes etapas porque passaram esses mesmos estudos judaicos. Finalmente apresentamos hipóteses sobre o seu limitado desenvolvimento, quando comparado com os contextos científicos de outros países, que resulta da inexistência de uma verdadeira institucionalização enquanto campo autónomo de estudo.This article aims to inform and reflect on Jewish Studies in Portugal, in Modern Times. Its main purpose is not to make an enumeration of authors and works that can be associated with this field of study (a mere uncritical historiographical view) but above all a reflection on the most important steps taken in Jewish Studies in Portugal. Finally we present hypotheses concerning its poor development, when compared to the scientific contexts of other countries, which has resulted in the inexistence of their true institutionalization as an autonomous field of study
Segunda conferência internacional de estudos sefarditas: «o encontro dos judeus sefarditas com o islão e os muçulmanos»
“Tempo de judeus e mouros”: quadros da relação entre judeus e muçulmanos no horizonte português (séculos XVI e XVII)
In this article we aim to refl ect on the religious and social context that predisposed Jews and Muslims converted to Catholicism in Portugal towards a progressive detachment from the involving Christian Society and towards an inter‑approximation, which was consequence both of that isolation and of premises on a more important ethnical and religious proximity. The indecision shown by some Christians to clearly identify the image of north‑Africa Jews, from a social and religious point of view, must be considered in the context of the essentialist assumptions of that period towards the non‑Christians, especially concerning the Infi dels, institutionally consecrated in the so‑called “Estatutos de Pureza de Sangue”.Neste artigo reflectimos sobre os contextos sociais e religiosos que predispuseram judeus e muçulmanos convertidos ao Catolicismo, em Portugal, quer a um progressivo distanciamento da sociedade cristã envolvente, quer a uma aproximação que resultou desse isolamento e de premissas sobre uma maior sintonia étnico‑religiosa. A indecisão denotada por parte de alguns cristãos na captação da imagem de alguns judeus norte‑africanos, do ponto de vista sócio‑religioso, deve ser entendida no quadro da evolução dos pressupostos essencialistas da época em relação aos outros não‑cristãos, sobretudo aos designados infiéis, na realidade consagrados nos chamados Estatutos de Pureza de Sangue
Revisitando uma carta em português sobre Sabbatai Zvi
The present paper deals with the Iberian context of the production-translation of a text in Portuguese language about Shabbatai Zevi, in 1666. We refer the production of similar texts and the information about the adherents in Spain, mostly in Malaga. We reflect on the various messsianic currents that crossed the different social groups in Portugal. We present a text that proves the spreading of news about Shabbatai in Portuguese Lands, and the interest kindled among the Portuguese Conversos. And we place the hypothesis that this text to the movement of Shabbatai, could have different readings, among them one that could be convenient to the conversos.Este artículo aborda el contexto de la producción-traducción de un texto en portugués sobre Sabetay Sebí, en 1666. Se alude a la producción de otros textos similares y a la información sobre los adeptos del movimiento en España, sobre todo en Málaga. Se reflexiona sobre las varias corrrientes mesiánicas que cruzaban los diferentes grupos sociales en Portugal. Se presenta un texto que prueba la divulgación de noticias sobre Sabetay, en tierras portuguesas y del interés desperttado entre los medios conversos sobre el movimiento. Y se plantea la hipótesis de que este texto contrario al movimiento de Sabbatai pudiera tener varias lecturas, entre ellas una que debería ser conveniente para los conversos
Congresso Internacional «Na Ibéria e na Diáspora: Língua e cultura de judeus e mouros». Évora, 5‑6 de novembro de 2012
Judaeo-Converso Merchants in the Private trade between Macao and Manila in the Early Modern Period
The present paper intends to contribute with new information to a reconstruction of the Sephardic presence in the Macao-Manila commercial network. For this purpose, in the first place, we intend to trace the profile of the Judaeo-converso merchants arriving in China and the Philippines and to reconstruct the commercial networks to which they belonged during the 16th and early 17th centuries.GECEM Project (ERC-Starting Grant), ref. 679371, Horizon 2020, project hosted at UP
The agendas of the first New Christians in Israel and the Portuguese Empire (sixteenth century)
This paper aims to reveal and interpret the messianic messages arising from the Inquisition of Évora (Portugal) trials against a group of first generation converts following the general expulsion of the Jews from Spain and Portugal in 1492 and 1496 respectively. These messages point to a memorialist construction on the phenomenon of the expulsions of Jews from France until they reached Portugal. Consequentially, both their new status as Christians and the context of the Portuguese imperialist expansion are considered essential predestined stages for the meeting of the Lost Tribes and the final redemption. These messages also reveal a 'contamination' of other records, such as the famous *Toledot Yeshu* or the Christian or Jewish versions of the Story of Barlaam and Josafat, and must be overlooked in the context of other known (more or less) contemporary texts of a teleological nature.This work is funded by national funds through FCT - Foundation for Science and Technology, I.P.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio
Uma «estranha tolerância» da Inquisição Portuguesa
El destino de Belchior Vaz de Azevedo ilustra el recorrido vital de muchos cristianos nuevos portugueses que, iniciando su actividad en territorio portugués (en este caso en Arcila y en Tánger) acabaron por entrar al servido de otros soberanos interesados enutilizar sus vastos conocimientos para sus respectivos fines de política económica o estratégica. Belchior Vaz se colocó al servicio de monarcas protestantes como António de Borbón e Isabel I de Inglaterra que deseaban promover sus intereses en Marruecos en contra de la esfera de influencia hispánica. Él mismo parece haberse convertido al protestantismo, como se deduce de testimonios de portugueses cautivos en el Norte de África. Interrogado por el Santo Ofício de Lisboa en 1562 o en 1563, Belchior se mostró como fiel católico aunque algunos testigos afirmaban que había retornado al judaísmo. No obstante la gravedad –según los criterios de la época– de las acusaciones que se le imputaban, Belchior fue liberado y sirvió de introductor al abad de Brantôme cuando éste visitó a D. Sebastián en 1564. El proceso de Belchior Vaz de Azevedo nos lleva una vez más a interrogarnos sobre el funcionamiento de la Inquisición en términos de las penas a aplicary sobre el significado de la vivencia religiosa de estos hombres que navegaban, durante el siglo XVI, entre varios espacios y varias religionesLe destin de BelchiorVaz de Azevedo illustre la trajectoire de nombreux nouveaux chrétiens portugais qui ont commencé leur activité en territoire portugais (dans ce cas à Arzila et Tanger) et qui ont fini par entrer au service d’autres souverains intéressés par leurs vastes connaissances pouvant servir leurs desseins en matière de politique économique ou stratégique. Belchior Vaz servit des monarques protestants comme Antoine de Bourbon et Elisabeth Ire d’Angleterre, qui désiraient défendre leurs intérêts au Maroc face à la sphère d’influence hispanique. Il semble s’être converti au protestantisme, comme le montrent les témoignages de Portugais prisonniers en Afrique du Nord. Interrogé par le Saint-Office de Lisbonne en 1562 ou en 1563, Belchior se montra un catholique fidèle même si certains témoins affirmaient qu’il était revenu au judaïsme. En dépit de l’importance – selon les critères de l’époque – des accusations qui étaient portées contre lui, Belchior fut libéré et fut l’introducteur de l’abbé de Brantôme quand, en 1564, celui-ci vint rendre visite au roi Sébastien. Le procès de Belchior Vaz de Azevedo nous conduit une fois de plus à nous interroger sur le fonctionnement de l’Inquisition du point de vue des peines établies et sur la signification de l’expérience religieuse de ces hommes qui naviguaient, pendant le XVIe siècle, entre plusieurs espaces et plusieurs religionsThe fate of Belchior Vaz de Azevedo illustrates the life history of many Portuguese New Christians who, while starting their careers in Portuguese territories (in this case in Arcila and Tangiers), eventually entered the service of other rulers who were interested in making use of their vast knowledge for their own political, economic or strategic ends. Belchior Vaz served Protestant monarchs such as António de Borbón and Elizabeth I of England who wanted to further their interests in Morocco to counter the sphere of Hispanic influence. He himself seems to have converted to Protestantism, as can be deduced from the testimony of Portuguese prisoners captured in North Africa. Interrogated by the Holy Office of Lisbon in 1562 or 1563, Belchior showed himself to be a true Catholic although some witnesses affirmed that he had returned to Judaism. Notwithstanding the gravity –according to the criteria of the time– of the accusations against him, Belchior was set free and served as Introductor (Head of Protocol) to the abbot of Brantôme when he visited D. Sebastián in 1564. The trial of Belchior Vaz de Azevedo causes us to ask ourselves once again how the Inquisition functioned in terms of the penalties it applied and about the significance of the religious experience of these men who in the 16th century journeyed from one place to another and from one religion to anothe