A newly-discovered roman altar from Surčin

Tokom radova na restauraciji pravoslavnog hrama Sv. Petke u Surčinu otkriven je rimski žrtvenik sa natpisom (sl. 1, 2) rađen od žućkastog krečnjaka (dimenzije: 71,5 x 37 x 30 cm). U gornjem delu žrtvenik je proširen i ukrašen višestruko profilisanim arhitravom iznad koga se nalazi ukrasna traka na uglovima dekorisana volutama (sl. 3). Na gornjoj površini vidljivo je udubljenje širine 12 cm i dubine 8 cm (sl. 4). Bočne strane žrtvenika ugrađene su u masu zida tako da nije izvesno da li na njima ima reljefnih predstava. Baza žrtvenika, visine 19 sm, takođe je višestruko profilisana. Natpis je izveden latinskom kapitalom u pet redova (sl. 5). Visina slova u prvom redu iznosi 4.5 cm, dok su slova u ostalim redovima visoka 3.5 cm. Tekst glasi: I(ovi) O(optimo) M(aximo) đ Ael(ivs) Mar (cianvs) pro se e׀t svis ׀ v(otum) p(osuit) l(ibens) m(erito) Paleografske karakteristike natpisa daju izvesne elemente za datovanje žrtvenika. Slova su klesana u pravilno postavljenim redovima, precizno i sa naglašenim trougaonom serifima na vertikalnim i kosim crtama. Slovo M izvedeno je sa vertikalnom prvom i četvrtom crtom dok se kosa druga i treća crta sustiču na donjoj liniji reda. Kod slova O uočava se pravilan kužni oblik karakterističan za natpise 1. i 2. veka. Kose crte slova A postavljene su simetrič no i podjednake dužine a slovo E poseduje jednake poprečne crte umerene dužine. Specifičan je oblik slova S sa lučnim crtama završenim trougaonim serifima koji bi mogli da opredele natpis i u prve decenije 3. veka. Ligatura na početku drugog reda sastavljena je spajanjem tri početna slova genitilnog imena Aelius. Izvedena je dodavanjem horizontalnih crta na drugoj kosoj crti slova A čime je dobijeno slovo E u kome je, produžavanjem donje horizontale, naglašeno i slovo L. Najviše indicija za datovanje daje pojava genitilnog imena cara Hadrijana koja ukazuje na terminus post quem za podizanje žrtvenika iz Surčina. Prema paleografskim odlikama teksta on bi se najpre mogao opredeliti u drugu popovinu 2. veka. Crkva Sv. Petke u Surčinu izgrađena je u baroknom stilu kao jednobrodna građevina sa polukružnom apsidom na istočnoj strani i pripratom sa horom i zvonikom na zapadu (sl. 6). Podignuta je 1770. godine na mestu starijih crkava, a to je i vreme kada je uzidan i sam žrtvenik. Čini se da je rimski žrtvenik nije iskorišćen samo kao pogodan građevinski materijal već da je imao posebnu namenu. Ugrađen je sa lica i u nivou poda crkve tako da nije negiran preklesivanjem ili obrtanjem, već postavljen pravilno sa očiglednom namerom da bude vidljiv. Ovo dodatno potkrepljuje postojanje polukružne niše ostavljene u zidu neposredno iznad žrtvenika (sl. 2, 4). Najizvesnijom se čini mogućnost da je rimski spomenik sekundarno bio iskorišćen u prvobitnoj crkvi od pletera kao baza časne trpeze koja je pri izgradnji nove crkve uzidana u njen zapadni zid. Antički naziv eventualnog naselja na mestu današnjeg Surčina nije poznat, kao ni njegov status. Ono je verovatno imalo status sela (vicus) ili poljoprivrednog dobra (villa rustica) koje se razvilo u blizini nekog predrimskog naselja o čemu svedoče relativno brojni nalazi iz latenske epohe. Selo Surčin smešteno je u jugoistočnom Sremu, 20 km zapadno od Beograda (karta 1). U vrema rimske dominacije on se nalazio između rimskog puta Taurunum-Bassianae-Sirmium i reke Save. U administrativnom pogledu ovo područje pripadalo je teritoriji Basijana (Bassianae) od kojih je Surčin udaljen oko 32 km ka jugoistoku. Rimski epigrafski spomenici na teritoriji Surčina su veoma retki. Zabeležen je samo još jedan fragmentovani žrtvenik sa natpisom: - ] ׀Cornvt(vs) ׀v(otum) s(olvit) l(ibens) m(erito) koji prvi publikuje Josip Brunšmid a ubrzo potom biva zaveden i u CIL III pod brojem 15137². Isti žrtvenik kasnije objavljuju A. i J. Šašel (IlJug, 3005.) ne navodeći, međutim, pomen ovog spomenika u pomenutom korpusu latinskih natpisa. Naprotiv, njegov redni broj (CIL III, 15137²) oni će priložiti uz drugi natpis iz Zemuna (IlJug, 3003), što ne odgovara istini i može dovesti u zabunu. Žrtvenik iz crkve Sv. Petke u Surčinu svedoči o intenzivnijem procesu romanizovanja lokalnog stanovništva koji je započeo u prvim decenijama 2. veka a to je i vreme kada Basijane dobijaju status municipijuma potvrđen od cara Hadrijana. Kako u natpisu posvete nije zabeležena profesija niti status dedikanta, ne možemo biti sigurni da li se radilo o vojniku ili civilnom licu. Budući da u njegovom imenu nema tragova prerimske onomastike, možemo predpostaviti da je Elije Marcijan pripadao drugoj generaciji stanovnika autohtonog porekla koja je status rimskog građanina dobila naslednim putem, te se i sam žrtvenik najpre može datovati u sredinu ili drugu polovinu 2. veka.The paper publishes the recent discovery of a Roman altar built into the Church of St Petka at Surčin, Greater Belgrade. From the palaeographic features of the inscription and the dedicant's gentile name, the altar has been dated to the second half of the second century. Examination of the published epigraphic corpuses reveals the existence of yet another, fragmented, altar from Surčin, and the author draws attention to an error in its publication. The paper offers an overview of the portable archaeological finds from Surčin which suggest an early Roman settlement (first century) in the ager of Bassianae

Early Byzantine steelyard from Belgrade

The initial aim of this paper was to present scholarly circles with a detailed report about the insufficiently known Early Byzantine steelyard beam (Figs. 2-5; Pl. I/1) treasured in Belgrade City Museum (further in the text BCM) together with a small counterweight (Fig. 6; Pl. I/2) which, judging by its dimensions and weight, does not belong to it. However, after inspecting the documentation of BCM and the National Museum in Belgrade (further in the text NMB), the supposition that the steelyard beam from BCM represents a part of the same hoard with the well known counterweight (Fig. 7) in the form of a bust of a Byzantine empress, and the unpublished chain system with hooks for hanging loads (Fig. 8; Pl. IV), which are kept in NMB, was confirmed. The detailed examination of the museum inventory records shed light on the set of circumstances which led to the separation of the parts of the Belgrade steelyar

Lead vessel with relief fish representation from Singidunum

Rad je posvećen minijaturnom tanjiru od olova sa reljefnom predstavom ribe na dnu. Ova posuda, otkrivena na prostoru jugoistočne nekropole rimskog Singidunuma, kako oblikom, tako i dekoracijom imitira popularnu formu ovalnih tanjira koji su se razvili iz skupocenih servisa od srebra i bronze, a potom zaživeli i među oblicima luksuznijih keramičkih tipova. Osim na predstavu ribe, skrećemo pažnju i na neuobičajen i neočekivan prikaz povrća najverovatnije krastavaca (Cucumis sativus), koji se pojavljuju na reljefnom ukrasu ove posude, lokalnog rada iz perioda II-III v.A vessel with a very interesting relief representation on the bottom is housed in the Late Roman Collection of the National Museum in Belgrade (fig. 1; pl. I/1). The vessel, shaped as a miniature shallow plate, is cast in lead. It is of oval shape with two horizontal flat handles antithetically placed on the narrow sides of the vessel. The handles are decorated with two circular ornaments each, that represent simplified rosette or volute. On the horizontally everted rim is a stylized ornament of radially molded ribs or egg-shaped cyma. The most prominent relief decoration is on the vessel where a fish with clearly depicted details is represented in low relief. The fish body is elongated with prominent caudal fin and pointed head with one hypertrophic eye. The gills are depicted as two arched bands while scales are represented as circular impressions. Above and under the central representation of the fish are depicted three considerably less prominent relief shapes (two below and one above) initially also assumed to represent fishes. However, their surface is smooth, that is to say, eyes, gills and scales depicted on the main representation are completely lacking. For our entirely different interpretation of this composition particularly important are scarcely visible details, i.e. lines, which extend from the back side of these forms and which actually are representations of stems. The fish on the bottom of the lead vessel is thus placed not in its natural environment but surrounded by a gastronomic setting of vegetables. Judging by the shape of the vegetables, it seems most probably that they are cucumbers (Cucumis sativus) that were, according to the texts of Pliny, Apicius and other Roman writers very widely used in Roman cuisine, as also suggested by a 2nd-3rd century mosaic from Tunisia (pl. I/3). The oval plates of the same shape as the one from Singidunum occur generally among the luxurious toreutic and pottery vessels. When metal vessels are concerned, particularly frequent are plates of this shape made of silver and bronze (pl. I/2), which were parts of luxurious sets for serving food. Similar terra sigillata oval plates (Drag. 39) were encountered along the Danube in Serbia (Singidunum, Margum Viminacium and Diana) as well as Guberevac on the Kosmaj Mountain. Finds of vessels, but also the workshop molds in the territory of Roman Dacia and Lower Moesia, confirm the existence of local centres that produced these characteristic forms. The glazed pottery plates of oval shape are characteristic of the 2nd century and in the territory of Dacia particularly frequent are specimens with a representation of fish on the bottom. Judging by the shape imitating oval plates of metal and pottery it seems that this lead vessel from Singidunum should most probably be dated in the period from the middle of the 2nd to the end of the 3rd century. The original location and context of this lead vessel with relief decoration is, however insufficiently known, although there is some indirect evidence. When this object was acquired for the museum it was noted that it had been discovered in Belgrade in the vicinity of the one time Batal-Mosque, which was located at the site of the south-eastern Roman necropolis along the Singidunum-Viminacium road. Against this background it is almost certain that this object originated from a Roman burial, most probably disturbed in the course of later building activities at this site. According to the vaguely identified place of discovery that coincides with the area of the south-eastern necropolis of Singidunum it is almost certain that this object was a grave good. It is uncertain, however, whether this plate from Singidunum was used as a substitutional votive offering or as part of a dining set. Certainly, the small dimensions of the vessel could hardly suggest its use as a real dining plate but its use in real life could however, be justified if we take it as a child's toy. Still waiting for more concrete analogies for this kind of find we are leaving unanswered the question whether it was a votive offering with representation of religious character or perhaps a much-loved toy placed as a grave good in a child's burial. The simple manufacture and resemblance to the pottery vessels of identical shape (Drag. 39), manufactured in the local provincial workshops suggest that the miniature plate was most probably made in one of the Singidunum or Viminacium foundries that, at the end of 2nd and in the 3rd century, produced various lead objects (sarcophagi, mirrors, icons)

Сирмијум у најтежем часу : цивилно упориште или војни логор

This paper is an attempt to determine whether Sirmium in the earliest period of its existence was only a civilian Roman settlement or had a military garrison. The significance and character of Sirmium is viewed primarily through the historical prism of the Bellum Batonianum (6–9 AD), as one of the most dramatic periods in the history of the city. Focused on certain details in otherwise rare mentions in historical sources and the available results of archaeological excavations, the author points out that, due to its strategic position, Sirmium must have been a Roman military stronghold that gradually developed into an important civilian settlement. Special attention is paid to the meaning and context of the use of some indicative terms (negotiatores, Ρωμαίοι) in the writings of relevant Roman writers (Velleius Paterculus, Cassius Dio) who further illuminate this time of crisis, the peril and the temptation.Овим радом поново се отвара питање статуса раноримског Сирмијума, односно да ли је он током првих деценија свог постојања превасходно био цивилно насеље или је имао војну посаду. Значај и карактер Сирмијума посматран је углавном кроз призму историјских догађаја познатих као Bellum Batonianum (6–9. н.е.), једног од најдраматичнијих периода у историји овог града. Аутор још једном скреће пажњу на иначе ретке помене овог насеља у античким историјским изворима као и на резултате археолошких истраживања, указујући да је Сирмијум због свог стратешког положаја свакако био војно упориште које се постепено развијало у значајно цивилно насеље. Посебна пажња посвећена је значењу и контексту употребе појединих термина (negotiatores, Ρωμαίοι) у текстовима релевантних римских историчара (Velleius Paterculus, Cassius Dio) који осветљавају ово време кризе, страдања и искушења

Finds of Scale Armour (lorica squamata) from Timacum Minus

In a section of the southern gate of Timacum Minus, two fragments of lorica squamata were discovered during the excavations in 2019 and 2020. Both of them have been found in the destruction layer dated into the end of the 4th century, probably caused by barbarian raids from the left bank of the Danube after the Roman defeat in the Battle of Hadrianopolis in 378 AD. This layer was, in fact, created by the burning and destruction of tower S4, a large tower built in the reconstruction of the fortification during the reign of Valentinian I and Valens. This tower, as the one on the western gate and the one on the northern gate, closed the southern gate, creating a new defensive system with two older towers of the same gate (towers S2 and S3) from the mid-3rd century. Large tower S4 was completely demolished in the barbarian attack, only her eastern wall has been partly preserved, so the southern gate was opened to invaders and the interior of the fortress was burned down. In this layer, composed of red burned soil, charred wood, soot and ashes mixed with rubble from the towers and the southern rampart, many small finds, indicative for dating, have been discovered, but also two unusual finds. Human osteological remains were found under the rubble of the destroyed western wall of tower S4, in an unarticulated position, probably the remains of a victim of this invasion. Also, inside the fortification, beside the eastern tower of the gate, tower S3, a kind of a cenotaph or a trace of some magical ritual was found: a small ceramic pot was put upside-down and fixed with brick fragments, and a chicken egg, an iron pin and a bronze coin were placed in it. Finally, by analysing the finds from this destruction layer we can assume a fierce barbarian attack occurred, with many victims on both sides, among which also a Roman soldier wearing a lorica squamata

Three Roman bronze vessels from the National Nuseum in Čačak

Rimske bronzane posude: dve situle i kaserola, otkrivene su slučajno prilikom izgradwe porodične kuće u centru Čačka 1960. Vedra su opredeljena u poznate tipove Bargfeld i Hemoor, koji su široko rasprostranjeni u Rimskom carstvu, a posebno duž rajnskog i dunavskog limesa, gde se, mahom, nalaze kao uobičajeni delovi vojničke opreme, dok kaserola pripada vrlo retkom tipu sa pomičnom drškom, takođe nošenom u vojničkom prtljagu kao posuda za pripremanje hrane, a posebno za pečenje hleba. Sve tri posude mogu se opredeliti u period II-III v., kada su na mestu današnjeg Čačka, tada graničnoj oblasti provincija Gornje Mezije i Dalmacije, bile stacionirane jedinice Cohors VIII voluntariorum, Cohors II Delmatorum, kao i beneficijariji iz redova Legio XI Claudia.Three Roman copper alloy vessels, rare in western Serbia, were found in 1960 in central Čačak. Two buckets (situlae) and one pan (trulla), were discovered by chance, during construction work, in the vicinity of a massive Roman wall built of stone and mortar. The first bucket (fig. 1/1), (Reg. No. A 721) well preserved, has a bi-conical body with the rim turned on the outer side (dimensions: rim diameter 20-20.5 cm; base diameter 14.5 cm; height 17 cm). The shoulder of the vessel is positioned at 2/3 of its height which identified this situla as the Barfeld type dating from 1st to 2nd century A.D. Several finds of buckets belonging to this popular type have been made in Serbia, mostly dredged from the river Sava at Sremska Rača near Sirmium. Nevertheless, it resembles most closely the situla from the National Museum at Vršac, probably found in the vicinity of Stara Palanka. The second bucket (fig. 1/2) (Reg. No. A 722) identified as a Hemoor type situla is partially preserved (dimensions: rim diameter 16 cm; height 8 cm; handle diameter 0.8 cm). The upper body of the vessel is adorned with two pairs of parallel incised lines. The vessel is made of copper tin alloy (thickness: 1.5-2 mm) and has a greenish patina. Hemoor type buckets were found in great numbers both within the Roman empire and outside its borders. They were dated to 200-300 A.D. and divided into two variants. Samples from Serbia belong to the Pannonian variant with shallower recipient, low ring-like foot and almost circular handle holders. Analogies from the territory of the Sava and Danube valleys are known from Osijek (Mursa) in Croatia and the site Groblje at Šetjernej in Slovenia, as well as from some Pannonian urban centres (Sophiana, Intercisa, Vindobona). The third vessel (fig. 2), (Reg. No. A 723) exceptional in shape, was beaten from a copper alloy sheet with a high percentage of copper which gives the alloy its intensive red color (dimensions: base diameter 24 cm; height 4 cm; handle length of 14 cm; handle width 2.5 cm). It is made in the shape of a round shallow recipient with vertical sides and single folding handle positioned horizontally. Vessels of this peculiar shape resembling modern frying pans, were certainly used for food processing, most probably for bread baking (Bratpfanne). The chronology of these vessels, made of copper alloy or iron, spans the period from the middle of 2nd to the end of the first third of the 3rd century A.D. They have been found all over the Roman empire: Britain, France, Southern Italy Austria, Germany and all the way to Egypt. The pan belongs to the unusual type of Roman bronze vessels rare both in the Central Balkans and over a broader territory. The only analogy from Serbia that is known to us comes from the limes in the Iron Gates gorge. It was found in a hoard of bronze vessels uncovered at the Roman fortress Campsa near Ravna, dated to the first half of the 3rd century A.D. The copper alloy vessels from Čačak should be connected most probably to the presence of the Roman army in this territory already confirmed by several votive inscriptions. These inscriptions mention a centurion of Cohors VIII voluntariorum, beneficiarii from Legio XI Claudia and even the military tribune of Cohors II Delmatorum. According to epigraphic data, a Roman military fortification of ca. 5 ha should be expected in the vicinity of Čačak, dated as early as the end of the 2nd and with more certainty during the 3rd century. A camp of that size would have been large enough to accommodate the cohors milliaria equitata garrison mentioned in votive inscriptions. The presence of a Roman garrison of such a considerable number and character in the vicinity of Čačak can be explained by the strategic importance of this territory on the crossroads of important Roman land communications between the provinces of Upper Moesia and Dalmatia as well as the importance of the Roman silver mines at Kosmaj and Rudnik nearby

De l’information au message: archéologie et médias en Serbie

U radu se razmatra slika o arheologiji i arheolozima koja se posredstvom različitih medija stvara u javnosti. Na osnovu analize sadržaja u kojima se kao tema javlja arheologija na društvenim mrežama i u novinama, pokazano je da se se arheolozi u javnosti percipiraju uglavnom kao inertni „skrivači” prave istine o prošlosti, a uzrok takve slike leži jednako u neobaveštenosti pripadnika medija kao i nespremnosti profesionalnih arheologa da sa njima komuniciraju. Na kraju je ponuđen nacrt dugoročne strategije kojom bi se postojeći jaz umanjio i javnost na kvalitetniji način upoznala sa misijom i društvenim značajem ove discipline.The paper discusses the image of archaeology and archaeologists created in the public by various media. On the grounds of analysis of the texts in which the subject of archaeology figures in newspapers and on social networks, it is demonstrated that archaeologists are mainly perceived in the public as inert “concealers” of the real truth of the past. The reason behind this is equally in the insufficient knowledge of the media, but as well in the reluctance of professional archaeologists to communicate. The paper offers an outline of long-term strategy to bridge the existing gap and inform the public about the mission and social relevance of the discipline.Lorsque la revue Illustrated London News avait présenté à ses lecteurs londoniens de l’époque géorgienne un article sur la Vinča préhistorique, accompagné d’une profusion de photographies, l’archéologie serbe était pour la première fois arrivée sur le devant de la scène européenne. Par rapport à ces années lointaines, l’espace médiatique est aujourd’hui fragmenté de façon multiple, et l’archéologie serbe s’est dans ces nouvelles circonstances paradoxalement déplacée du monde de la science dans l’espace brumeux et les chemins égarés de la pseudo-science et du sensationnalisme. Le développement de l’Internet a abouti à l’apparition des formes de communication tout à fait nouvelles, où les médias «officiels» rivalisent avec les nouvelles formes et la voix de ceux qui ne sont pas des journalistes professionnels se fait entendre dans l’espace public. Il faut particulièrement souligner que de nombreux «chercheurs» non qualifiés, des représentants de la pseudo-science, ainsi que des auteurs «invisibles» de toute une série des pages d’internet, de blogs et de forums, l’emportent dans la perception et l’interprétation du passé chez notre public. Ainsi les faits se transforment-ils en un message entièrement nouveau, déformé et inexact sur le passé et sur l’archéologie en tant que science. Il est certes possible de discuter sur les causes de tels phénomènes, mais il est plus important de mettre en lumière les conséquences, à savoir les deux images aussi troublantes que se fait majoritairement le public serbe des archéologues: 1. les archéologues sont inertes, paresseux et ne font pas leur travail. 2. les archéologues cachent volontairement la «vraie» vérité sur le passé. Les raisons du peu de connaissances du public sur le rôle de l’archéologie sont à chercher d’une part dans le niveau d’éducation générale, mais avant tout dans le fait navrant que les représentants des médias sont très superficiellement informés et en outre réticents à élargir leurs connaissances. D’autre part, le peu d’intérêt des archéologues professionnels de communiquer avec les médias et le public y a également contribué. Pour changer une telle situation, il est nécessaire d’accroître l’influence des archéologues et diminuer celle des médias, ce qui aboutirait à une sensibilisation du public sur l’importance du patrimoine archéologique et sur la mission sociale de l’archéologie. Les premiers pas d’une telle stratégie englobent: – la conduite des recherches au centre desquelles se trouvent les rapports entre l’archéologie et les médias; – une formation double à travers l’organisation des ateliers et des séminaires: a) pour les représentants des médias dans l’objectif de leur initiation à l’archéologie, d’une information plus objective sans sensationnalisme et d’une sensibilisation aux dangers des abus et des risques causés par une information inappropriée et b) pour les archéologues professionnels, afin qu’ils soient motivés de prendre part à une communication efficace avec les médias; – organisation des débats publics et des congrès scientifiques suivis par les médias; – production des films archéologiques, insuffisamment présents dans notre milieu. À la différence du reste de l’Europe, où il existe quelques festivals spécialisés, en Serbie il n’y a qu’un festival du film archéologique. Les festivals mis à part, les films archéologiques sont importants également comme matériel approprié pour l’éducation dans les institutions scolaires, avant tout les écoles primaires et secondaires. La production et la distribution du film archéologique est actuellement, et cela non seulement en Serbie, dans l’ombre des programmes stéréotypés et souvent pseudo-scientifiques des grandes chaînes de télévision par câble. C’est pourquoi notre attention sera orientée vers le film archéologique, non seulement au sens théorique, mais aussi par une introduction active des archéologues en tant que conseillers et interlocuteurs, mais avant tout comme auteurs

Keramična oljenka v obliki gladiatorske čelade iz viminacijskega amfiteatra

The article discusses a terracotta lamp in the shape of a gladiator’s helmet that was discovered inside the Viminacium amphitheatre. It was found near architectural structures probably devoted to a gladiatorial cult practice. The lamp is dated to the first quarter of the 2nd century AD, and it coincides with the period of the development of the city and the early use of the amphitheatre.  The lamp’s superb workmanship with precisely executed details suggests the lamp was an imported item. As the lamp was fragmented, we attempted to reconstruct it based on similar specimens. We believe that it represents a miniaturized helmet of a murmillo gladiator. We also tried to determine the manufacturing process and purpose of the lamp on the basis of its attributes and the context of discovery.Članek obravnava keramično oljenko, ki posnema obliko gladiatorske čelade in je bila odkrita v viminacijskem amfiteatru. Najdena je bila v bližini manjših konstrukcij, ki verjetno predstavljajo gladiatorski kultni prostor. Oljenka izvira iz prve četrtine 2. stoletja našega štetja, kar časovno sovpada z razvojem mesta in začetkom delovanja amfiteatra. Vrhunska izdelava z natančno oblikovanimi podrobnostmi dokazuje, da gre za uvožen izdelek. Rekonstruirana nepopolno ohranjena svetilka iz Viminacija glede na analogije predstavlja pomanjšani posnetek značilnih čelad gladiatorjev murmillo. Po okrasu svetilke in njeni obliki lahko sklepamo o načinu izdelave, predvsem lokacija najdbe, domnevno povezana s kultnimi prostori v amfiteatru, pa nakazuje ožjo namembnost svetilke

One unknown wartime document of the year 1915: the first diggings at the Banjska monastery

У раду се први пут објављује документ из архива Министарства просвете и црквених послова из августа 1915. године, у којем се налази предмет о аматерским ископавањима у Манастиру Бањској током којих је нађен и златни прстен приписан краљици Теодори. Овај документ је значајан утолико пре што је писан руком једног од директних учесника ових „откопавања”, и то непосредно по њиховом завршетку, што га чини знатно поузданијим од до сада углавном цитираног извештаја насталог осам година касније и из друге руке. Други, такође интересантан део овог предмета, представља стручно мишљење Милоја М. Васића о неопходности санкционисања и сузбијања нестручног истраживања „старина”, али и категоричном одбијању предлога налазача да се прстен из Бањске поклони престолонаследнику Александру Карађорђевићу.A document related to the amateur excavations in the medieval monastery of Banjska during 1915, found in the Archives of the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs is published in this paper for the first time. During these diggings a golden ring, later attributed to Queen Teodora was found. This document is of great importance, since it was written by one of the participants in the excavations, immediately after their completion. This makes it more reliable than the other, indirect report, usually cited in the literature, written eight years later. Equally significant part of this case is expert opinion of Miloje M. Vasić, where he expressed the need for sanctioning improper excavations, and categorically refused finder’s proposal that the ring should be given to the Crown Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević

Categorization of Marijuana Suspected Policies’ Seizures in Southeast Serbia According to Cannabinoids Content

Background: The cannabis plant or marijuana has been used since ancient times for different purposes. An increase in the content of THC in cannabis has been observed worldwide, whereas the CBD content is dropping. This study’s main goal was to categorize marijuana suspected policies’ seizures (MSPS) based on the cannabinoid component concentrations concerning their potency and age. Methods: The samples were MSPS seized in southeast Serbia from April 2019 to April 2020. The cannabinoid content was determined using gas chromatography with mass spectrometry. Descriptive statistics were performed using Linux LibreOffice Calc. Results: All of the samples had a THC content higher than 0.3%, thus classifying the samples as marijuana according to the Serbian Law on Psychoactive Controlled Substances. The highest concentration of THC was 16.10%, while the lowest was 4.90%. The highest average concentration of THC (12.39%) was found in the buds. Only 11.81% of the samples had a CBD concentration higher than 1%, making all other marijuana samples extremely psychoactive. Most of the samples were older than 2 years, according to the calculated CBN/THC ratio. Conclusion: Our results confirm trends regarding the dominance of THC content in contemporary cannabis worldwide. It is necessary to monitor trends of cannabis potency in Serbia continuously because of its location