Reviews

Obra ressenyada: Mireia LLINÀS. Petites paraules. ¿D'on surt la gramàtica?. Barcelona: Empúries, 2001

Estableciendo el origen de la (in)visibilidad de las mujeres en dos traducciones de The Golden Notebook de Doris Lessing a las lenguas romance

In this paper the Spanish and Catalan translations of Doris Lessing’s The Golden Notebook are compared to examine what translation practices have been used to assign grammatical gender to English personal nouns, pronouns and adjectives and to determine to what extent these practices are responsible for women’s (in)visibility in the target texts. The analysis of a self-collected corpus of comparative data revealed that three particular translation strategies result, to different extents, in gender-inclusive language (which is non-discriminatory, but which does not make women linguistically visible) in the two target texts. The three strategies are (i) the omission of grammatical subjects, (ii) the use of non-adjectival categories to translate adjectives and (iii) the pronominal substitution or omission of objects of verbs and prepositions. While subject omission is a locus of women’s invisibility in both target texts, adjective transformation and object pronominal substitution or omission are so in Spanish and Catalan respectively.En este artículo se comparan las traducciones al español y al catalán de The Golden Notebook de Doris Lessing para examinar qué prácticas traductoras se han usado al asignar género gramatical a los nombres personales, pronombres y adjetivos del inglés, y hasta qué punto estas prácticas son responsables de la (in)visibilidad de la mujer en los textos meta. El análisis de un corpus de datos comparativos auto-compilado ha revelado que existen tres prácticas traslaticias concretas que causan, en diferente medida, lenguaje inclusivo (que no es discriminatorio, pero que no proporciona visibilidad lingüística a la mujer) en los dos textos meta. Las tres prácticas en cuestión son (i) la omisión del sujeto gramatical, (ii) el uso de categorías no-adjetivales para la traducción de adjetivos y (iii) la sustitución pronominal y la omisión de objetos verbales y preposicionales. Mientras que la omisión de sujeto es una fuente de invisibilidad de la mujer en las dos traducciones, la transformación de adjetivos y la sustitución pronominal o la omisión del objeto lo son, respectivamente, en la traducción al español y al catalán

On establishing the locus of women's (in)visibility in two English-into-Romance translations of Doris Lessing's The Golden Notebook

In this paper the Spanish and Catalan translations of Doris Lessing's The Golden Notebook are compared to examine what translation practices have been used to assign grammatical gender to English personal nouns, pronouns and adjectives and to determine to what extent these practices are responsible for women's (in)visibility in the target texts. The analysis of a self-collected corpus of comparative data revealed that three particular translation strategies result, to different extents, in gender-inclusive language (which is non-discriminatory, but which does not make women linguistically visible) in the two target texts. The three strategies are (i) the omission of grammatical subjects, (ii) the use of non-adjectival categories to translate adjectives and (iii) the pronominal substitution or omission of objects of verbs and prepositions. While subject omission is a locus of women's invisibility in both target texts, adjective transformation and object pronominal substitution or omission are so in Spanish and Catalan respectivelyEn este artículo se comparan las traducciones al español y al catalán de The Golden Notebook de Doris Lessing para examinar qué prácticas traductoras se han usado al asignar género gramatical a los nombres personales, pronombres y adjetivos del inglés, y hasta qué punto estas prácticas son responsables de la (in)visibilidad de la mujer en los textos meta. El análisis de un corpus de datos comparativos auto-compilado ha revelado que existen tres prácticas traslaticias concretas que causan, en diferente medida, lenguaje inclusivo (que no es discriminatorio, pero que no proporciona visibilidad lingüística a la mujer) en los dos textos meta. Las tres prácticas en cuestión son (i) la omisión del sujeto gramatical, (ii) el uso de categorías no-adjetivales para la traducción de adjetivos y (iii) la sustitución pronominal y la omisión de objetos verbales y preposicionales. Mientras que la omisión de sujeto es una fuente de invisibilidad de la mujer en las dos traducciones, la transformación de adjetivos y la sustitución pronominal o la omisión del objeto lo son, respectivamente, en la traducción al español y al catalá

Doble negació dins l'oració simple en català

En aquest treball estudiem una construcció del català que es caracteritza per codificar lingüísticament la lectura de doble negació dins l'oració simple. Aquesta construcció conté un adverbi negatiu oracional i un mot indefinit en posició de complement d'una preposició que fa d'adjunt oracional. La hipòtesi que defensem és que els mots del tipus exemplificat per res es poden comportar com a termes d'elecció lliure o com a mots-n perquè indueixen una ampliació de domini, ja sigui a dominis amplis (en entorns no negatius) o a dominis mínims (en entorns negatius). Formalment, postulem que aquests mots estan codificats amb un tret morfosintàctic que s'ha de comprovar en un operador que també codifiqui aquest mateix tipus de propietat.Quan res es troba dins un SP adjunt, aquesta estructura afavoreix que el domini en què es comprova el tret en qüestió sigui el seu especificador sintàctic: [[ Neg - s ] res[+s]]. Si, a més, a l'oració hi ha un segon operador Neg de forma indefectible es determina doble negació.In this piece of research we examine a structure that linguistically encodes a double negation reading in simple sentences in Catalan. This structure contains a sentential negative adverb and an indefinite which is the complement of a preposition that functions as an adjunct. We claim that words like res can behave as free choice items or as n-words because they cause domain expansion, both in broad domains (in a non-negative context) and in minimal domains (in negative contexts). Formally, we argue that these words bear a morphosyntactic feature that has to be checked by an operator endowed with a feature of the same kind. When res is in an adjoined prepositional phrase, the structure favours the checking of this feature in its Specifier: [[ Neg - s ] res[+s]]. If, in addition, there is a second Neg operator in the sentence, double negation necessarily obtains

A new approach to Negative Concord : Catalan as a case in point

Altres ajuts: acords transformatius de la UABPublished online: 25 August 2023In this paper, we revisit the phenomenon of Negative Concord focusing on the Strict vs. Non-Strict divide. With Catalan as a case in point, we show that Negative Concord Items (NCIs) are not negative quantifiers (NQs) or polarity items (PIs) but inherently negative indefinites by virtue of carrying a negative feature [neg] that contributes a negative semantics to the proposition and is subject to a syntax-phonology constraint that forces it to overtly c-command Tense in compliance with Jespersen's NegFirst principle. We argue that to satisfy such constraint, [neg] can disembody from the NCI via overt Move F(eature) to adjoin at a pre-Infl(ection) position and be Spelled-Out homophonous to the negative marker. The Strict vs. Non-Strict contrast follows from whether [neg] always moves independently from the rest of the NCI via Move F (Strict Negative Concord) or predates, whenever possible, on another movement of the NCI that places [neg] in the required pre-Infl position (Non-Strict Negative Concord) thus not having to disembody

Editorial : What Are (Un)Acceptability and (Un)Grammaticality? How Do They Relate to One Another and to Interpretation?

International audienc

LLINÀS I GRAU, Mireia: Primeres Paraules. Com aprenen a parlar els nostres fills?, Barcelona, Editorial Empúries, 2006

Obra ressenyada: Mireia LLINÀS I GRAU, Primeres Paraules. Com aprenen a parlar els nostres fills? Barcelona: Editorial Empúries, 2006.Llibre que reflexiona sobre les característiques del llenguatge infantil des de les primeres paraules i a través d'una col·lecció d'exemples a partir d'un diari lingüístic recopilat per la mateixa autora

On the status of NCIs : An experimental investigation on so-called Strict NC languages

Altres ajuts: acords transformatius de la UABPublished online by Cambridge University Press: 25 August 2023. First ViewThis paper investigates the status of Negative Concord Items (NCIs) in three so-called Strict Negative Concord (NC) languages (namely, Greek, Romanian, and Russian). An experimental study was designed to gather evidence concerning the speakers' acceptability and interpretation of sequences with argumental NCIs in subject, object, and both positions when dhen/nu/ne were not present. Our results show that NCIs are negative indefinites whose presence in a clausal domain is enough to assign a single negation reading to the whole sequence, thus arguing in support of the hypothesis that in NC structures the minimal semantic requirement to convey single negation is that one or more NCIs encoding a negative feature appear within a sentential domain. We argue that in these structures dhen/nu/ne are the instantiations of a negative feature [neg] disembodied from an indefinite negative NCI in order to obey a syntax-phonology interface constraint

How speakers interpret the negative markers no and no … pas in Catalan

This paper reports the results of an experimental investigation designed to test the interpretation of the optional doubling of the negative markers no and pas in Expletive Negation (EN) contexts and in preverbal Negative Concord Items (NCI) contexts in Catalan. We show that in EN contexts a negative interpretation of no is preferred to anexpletive one, with non-negative readings being less widespread than expected from what is described in traditional grammars. In NCI contexts the overt presence of no basically contributes to a single negation interpretation, thus confirming the status of Catalan as aNegative Concord language. We also show that, in the absence of discourse environments, pas in both EN and NCI contexts shows a variable interpretation, a characteristic of negative polarity items. Our results indicate that pas does not increase the amount of negative interpretation of no in EN contexts, or of Double Negation in NCI contexts, but is an item dependent on the interpretation of no. We conclude that the strengthening role of Catalan pas (at stage two of Jespersen's cycle), while associated with the expression of metalinguistic negation, does not reverse the truth or falsity of a proposition

Reviews

Obra ressenyada: Mireia LLINÀS. Petites paraules. ¿D'on surt la gramàtica?. Barcelona: Empúries, 2001