EU digital communication strategy during the COVID-19 vaccination campaign: Framing, contents and attributed roles at stake

If in recent years the European Union (EU) has had to face complex and multifactorial “poly-crises” (such as Brexit, refugees or the euro), the pandemic caused by COVID-19 has been an unprecedented event on a global scale with important implications at all levels. Indeed, it has reinforced public health issues aimed at protecting the population as nodal elements of the policies implemented by this organization. This research aims to analyze the different organizational communication strategies on Twitter implemented by the main EU institutions during the COVID-19 vaccination campaign, in order to examine the presence of this exceptional milestone. This study has been carried out using an eminently quantitative methodology, based on a content analysis to quantify the different variables and indicators established for the publications of the official profiles of the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Council. The proposed categories focus on exploring their predominant thematic areas, as well as main purposes/attributed functions. In the light of the results obtained, it is concluded that the vaccination campaign is a milestone with a considerable volume of publications by all profiles. However, among the attributed functions, the distribution of aseptic information has been predominant, which is why it is discussed whether these institutions have sufficiently taken advantage of the possibilities offered by the digital environment of Twitter for the dissemination of the European message

Has COVID-19 promoted or discouraged a European Public Sphere? Comparative analysis of the Twitter interactions of German, French, Italian and Spanish MEPSs during the pandemic

This comparative research analyses the political discussion through social media of the top list German, French, Italian and Spanish Members of the European Parliament during COVID-19 crisis times. Through content analysis, the article focuses on Twitter behaviours during a pandemic crisis period (March 23 to April 23, 2020). The study that analyses up to 14 (first listed MEPs) Twitter accounts and a total N of 2101 tweets looks at clarifying if the COVID-19 pandemic has promoted or discouraged the growth of a European Public Sphere. The results show that audience involvement depended on certain online conducts of the MEP rather than on his or her constant activity. Those behaviours produced as well that the COVID-19 debate was mostly restricted to the political elite, who neither allow European civil society to take part in the discussion or communicate to the general public with the aim of shaping a European Public Sphere

Organizational communication strategies on social networks: analysis of the French far-right’s electoral campaigns on Twitter

Since the 2014 European elections, populist organizations have been gaining a share of power, as finally ratified by their voters in May 2019. In the case of France, the rise of National Rally (NR) is, partially, due to a change of its communication strategy. In particular, in its online strategy framework for the European elections, a total of 1,256 tweets published by its official Twitter account during the 15-day electoral campaigns in 2014 and 2019 have been analyzed. The results confirm a reconfiguration of its online communicative strategy and how this shift allowed the organization to create a closer link with its audience to increase and build loyalty among the number of users who could become NR voters.&nbsp

The European approach to online disinformation: geopolitical and regulatory dissonance

The COVID-19 health crisis and the invasion of Ukraine have placed disinformation in the focus of European policies. Our aim is to analyze the emerging European policy on counter-disinformation practices and regulations. To do this, we examine developing European Union (EU) strategy, against different forms of fake news, from a multidisciplinary approach that combines Journalism and Geopolitics. Our methodology is based on the critical analysis of documents generated by the EU on disinformation from 2018 to 2022, including reports, communications, statements and other legislative texts. Our findings suggest that the EU’s policy against disinformation is based on two opposing logics that coexist and compete. The first is securitization, which understands this problem as a threat to democracy that legitimizes ‘exceptional decision-making’ from a hard power perspective. The second is based on the self-regulation and voluntarism of digital platforms with a clear orientation towards soft law and minimal intervention. The recent adoption of the Digital Services Act and the stronger regulation of online platforms do not replace this logic, since this legislation adopts a “co-regulatory framework”. The coexistence of these two logics generates internal contradictions and dissonance that can determine the future of European policies on this important topic and its chances of success

Communicative frames in the online strategy of European political parties during the coronavirus crisis: a polyhedral look at the far right

The current debate in the academic sphere regarding the role of extreme right-wing parties during the coronavirus pandemic extends to its communicative aspect. While some authors argue that these parties have focused their messages on the perspectives of fear, the threat represented by immigrants, or conspiracies in an unsuccessful way, even considering them to be the “losers of the crisis,” others emphasize their ability to build a sense of community through resilience. The present research aims to take up these discussions and delve deeper into the study of the communicative frames of European political parties, with a particular focus on the far right, to draw more nuanced conclusions. For this purpose, a double methodology has been implemented through the coding of the frames used in a total of 2,757 Twitter posts during the month of March 2020 from the major government and extreme right-wing parties in Germany, France, Spain, and Poland. The results show that the parties studied present differences in their communicative frames, not according to their position on the ideological spectrum, as might be expected, but rather to their role as the executive power in the government or as part of the opposition of their respective legislative chambers

La era de la desinformación global: diagnósticos y respuestas

Introducción a la sección Informe

European Far right on Twitter. Analysis of the digital communicative strategy of Vox and Lega during the 2014 and 2019 European elections

Durante los últimos tres lustros, la imagen de la Unión Europea (UE) se ha visto fuertemente debilitada. Tras la denominada policrisis - crisis del euro (2008), refugiados (2015) y Brexit (2016) - la organización supranacional se enfrenta al significativo auge de partidos euroescépticos y populistas, predominantemente de derechas, que han surgido en sus países miembro. Entre ellos, Lega en Italia o Vox en España demuestran dicha tendencia al alza a través de los resultados obtenidos tras las campañas electorales europeas de 2014 y, especialmente, de 2019. La finalidad de esta investigación es analizar el plan de comunicación digital de ambos partidos, reflejado en su actividad en las redes sociales, más concretamente en Twitter, durante dichos periodos electorales; en los que han llevado el carácter xenófobo de sus mensajes hacia una aproximación patriótica y nacionalista. Para ello, por medio de una metodología de análisis mixta cuantitativa/cualitativa, se analizarán los 1.111 tweets que la formación italiana y 351 que el partido español (N total de 1.462 tweets) publicaron desde sus respectivas cuentas durante las últimas campañas electorales europeas. Como conclusión, los resultados apuntan: a una profesionalización de los mecanismos comunicativos digitales por parte de ambos partidos de extrema derecha; alcanzando una mayor participación e interacción por parte de sus seguidores, gracias a un mensaje más movilizador/populista que ideológico, desarrollado en una evidente clave nacional; lo que les imposibilita su incorporación a la esfera pública pan-europea.Over the last 15 years, the image of the European Union (EU) has been severely weakened. Following the so-called polycrisis - the euro crisis (2008), the refugee crisis (2015) and Brexit (2016) - the supranational organisation is facing the significant rise of Eurosceptic and populist, predominantly right-wing parties that have emerged in its member states. Among them, Lega in Italy or Vox in Spain demonstrate such an upward trend through the results obtained after the European election campaigns of 2014 and, in particular, 2019. This research sought to analyse the digital communication plans of both parties, reflected in their activity on social networks, more specifically on Twitter, over these electoral periods, in which they shifted the xenophobic nature of their messages towards a patriotic and nationalist approach. With this aim, by means of a mixed quantitative/qualitative analysis methodology, the 1,111 tweets that the Italian party and the 351 that the Spanish party (N total of 1,462 tweets) published from their respective accounts during the last European election campaigns were analysed. In conclusion, the results point to: a professionalisation of digital communication mechanisms by both extreme right-wing parties; achieving greater participation and interaction from their followers, thanks to a more mobilising/populist rather than ideological message, developed in a clearly national key; which renders it impossible for them to be incorporated into the pan-European public sphere.Este artículo forma parte de la Cátedra Europea financiada por la Agencia Ejecutiva en el Ámbito Educativo, Audiovisual y Cultural (EACEA), perteneciente a la Comisión Europea, Jean Monnet (Erasmus+), “Future of Europe Communication in times of Pandemic Disinformation” (FUTEUDISPAN), Ref: 101083334-JMO-2022-CHAIR), dirigida entre 2022 y 2025, desde la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, por el Doctor Europeo, Jorge Tuñón. Además, el trabajo también forma parte de la Red Jean Monnet “OpenEuDebate” 600465-EPP-1-2018-1-ES-EPPJMO-NETWORK; de la Cátedra Jean Monnet “UE, desinformación y fake news” (610538-EPP-1-2019-1-ES-EPPJMO-CHAIR); y del Módulo Jean Monnet “AnEUdefence” (620764-EPP-1-2020-1-ES-EPPJMO-MODULE)

Verification: squaring the circle against misinformation and fake news?

In the last decades, disinformation has been multiplied exponentially within the information landscape. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has turned the situation critical. Fake news have become a real public health problem, spreading even faster than true information. To combat fake news, several fact-checking initiatives have been set up around the world, particularly in the context of the current health crisis. For its part, the European Union is one of the most exposed international organisations towards disinformation. It, therefore, counts on various stakeholders and tools to face it. Likewise, Spain also presents several experiences of news verification. On the other hand, technology companies also play a key role to fight against hoaxes, and some of them have already started to implement mechanisms against fake news. However, data verification is under debate due to the possibility of a backfire effect. In view of this, this paper has carried out a bibliographic review of previous research, combined with a non-experimental qualitative analysis of the results obtained. The aim has been to understand the phenomenon of fact-checking, its evolution and characteristics in order to analyse it as a potential final solution to disinformation. From this research, feedback from the scientific/university academia is sought in order to broaden their knowledge of the disinformation phenomenon. Therefore, the results of this study have a clear European public service vocation.En las últimas décadas, la desinformación se ha visto multiplicada exponencialmente dentro del panorama informativo. Sin embargo, la pandemia de la COVID-19 ha dado un vuelco a la situación, volviéndola crítica. Las noticias falsas se han tornado un verdadero problema para la salud pública, diseminándose más rápido incluso que la información verdadera. En este sentido, para luchar contra la desinformación, se han consolidado diversas iniciativas de fact-checking por todo el mundo, en particular, tras la crisis sanitaria. Por su parte, la Unión Europea es una de las organizaciones más expuestas a las noticias falsas. Es por ello por lo que cuenta con diversos actores para hacerle frente. Igualmente, España también presenta varias experiencias de verificación de noticias. Por otra parte, las empresas tecnológicas juegan también un papel clave y algunas de ellas ya han comenzado a implementar mecanismos contra la pandemia de bulos. No obstante, la verificación de datos se encuentra bajo debate ante la posibilidad de que esta produzca un efecto inverso (backfire effect). Ante ello, se ha llevado a cabo un estudio documental bibliográfico de investigaciones precedentes, combinado con un análisis cualitativo no experimental de los resultados obtenidos. El objetivo del mismo ha sido comprender el fenómeno del fact-checking, su evolución y características con el fin de analizarlo como potencial solución final a la desinformación. A partir de esta investigación, se busca la retroalimentación desde la academia científica/universitaria con el objetivo de ampliar su conocimiento sobre el fenómeno desinformativo. Por tanto, los resultados de esta investigación cuentan con una clara vocación de servicio público (europeo)

European Actors and Disinformation: the dispute between fact-checking, alternative agendas and geopolitics

El referéndum del Brexit es un buen ejemplo de la especial vulnerabilidad del proyecto europeo ante la desinformación. Por ello las instituciones han desarrollado una serie de iniciativas durante 2018 para definir una estrategia europea contra la desinformación que enfatiza la responsabilidad de las redes sociales en la denuncia de los contenidos falsos. Además, ante la debilidad de la esfera pública europea, las instituciones europeas apoyan la creación de redes europeas de fact checkers. Esta estrategia implica la denuncia de las mentiras en lugar de una de creación de marcos alternativos, lo que autores como Lakoff (2004) consideran un error desde la perspectiva del framing. Empíricamente demostramos mediante un análisis de las principales redes de actores en este asunto (académicos, fundaciones, think tanks, medios, plataformas de redes sociales y fact checkers) que existe una disputa para definir la mejor forma de combatir la desinformación a escala europea.The Brexit referendum is a good example of the particular vulnerability of the European project when fighting disinformation. Therefore, EU institutions have developed a series of initiatives throughout 2018 to define a European strategy to counter disinformation that emphasizes the responsibility of social networks in reporting false content. In addition, given the weakness of the European public sphere, the European institutions support the creation of European networks of fact checkers. This strategy implies the denunciation of lies, rather than the promotion of alternative interpretive frames, which authors like Lakoff (2004) consider an error from a framing point of view. Empirically, we demonstrate through an analysis of the main networks of actors on this matter (academics, foundations, think tanks, media, social network platforms and fact checkers) that there is a dispute to define the best way to combat disinformation at the European level

El lugar de las macro-regiones en el marco de la cooperación territorial europea: presente y futuro

Unión Europea. Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo RegionalJunta de Andalucía. Consejería de la Presidenci