Immunophenotype of Atypical Polypoid Adenomyoma of the Uterus: Diagnostic Value and Insight on Pathogenesis

Atypical polypoid adenomyoma (APA) is a rare uterine lesion constituted by atypical endometrioid glands, squamous morules, and myofibromatous stroma. We aimed to assess the immunophenotype of the 3 components of APA, with regard to its pathogenesis and its differential diagnosis. A systematic review was performed by searching electronic databases from their inception to January 2019 for immunohistochemical studies of APA. Thirteen studies with 145 APA cases were included. APA glands appeared analogous to atypical endometrial hyperplasia (endometrioid cytokeratins pattern, Ki67≤50%, common PTEN loss, and occasional mismatch repair deficiency); the prominent expression of hormone receptors and nuclear β-catenin suggest that APA may be a precursor of "copy number-low," CTNNB1-mutant endometrial cancers. Morules appeared as a peculiar type of hyperdifferentiation (low KI67, nuclear β-catenin+, CD10+, CDX2+, SATB2+, p63-, and p40-), analogous to morular metaplasia in other lesions and distinguishable immunohistochemically from both conventional squamous metaplasia and solid cancer growth. Stroma immunphenotype (low Ki67, α-smooth-muscle-actin+, h-caldesmon-, CD10-, or weak and patchy) suggested a derivation from a metaplasia of normal endometrial stroma. It was similar to that of nonatypical adenomyoma, and different from adenosarcoma (Ki67 increase and CD10+ in periglandular stroma) and myoinvasive endometrioid carcinoma (h-caldesmon+ in myometrium and periglandular fringe-like CD10 pattern)

How is the COVID19 Pandemic Affecting Europeans' Lives?

The coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic is an unprecedented health crisis. Nearly a third of the global population is undergoing some form of curfew, isolation, or are being placed under restrictive measures (Kaplan, Frias & McFall-Johnsen, 2020). Therefore, it is not surprising that the spread of COVID-19 could soon turn into a serious psychological, social and political emergency. The COVIDiSTRESS global survey was designed by an international group of social scientists from more than fifty universities to measure the psychological correlates and implications of the current crisis. The study has so far involved more than 150,000 individual respondents from over than 50 different countries, sharing their experience of the human consequences of the crisis. The report below describes a series of chosen variables. It focuses on the 75,570 respondents from the 27 countries composing the European Union (EU) who answered the survey between March 30th and April 20th

That is how we do it around here: Levels of identification, masculine honor, and social activism against organized crime in the south of Italy

Masculine honor is an important cultural code in the south of Italy. Italian criminal organizations (COs) manipulate and exploit this code to maintain legitimacy among local populations and exert social control in the territory where they operate. This research tested the hypothesis that different levels of identification—the region and the nation—would have opposite associations with male honor-related values and, indirectly, with intentions to oppose COs collectively. Results from a sample of young southern Italians (N?=?170) showed that regional identification positively predicted endorsement of male honor-related values, which in turn were associated with lowered intentions to oppose COs. In contrast, national identification negatively predicted male honor-related values, associated in turn with stronger intentions to oppose COs. These results also held when perceived risk and social dominance orientation were taken into account. Directions for future research are discussed

The Association between Perceived Injustice and Political Trust:Testing a Dual-Pathway Model through Anger and Patriotism across Four Countries

While past research has found an association between perceived political injustice and diminished trust in institutions, the pathways connecting these constructs remain underexplored. In this study, we proposed a sequential indirect-effect model, from perceived injustice to feelings of disrespect and ultimately lower trust, via the dual pathways of anger against institutions and constructive patriotism. We tested our model using samples from four countries, namely South Korea, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States (NTotal = 2502). Results revealed a simple indirect effect of injustice via perceived personal respect. Additionally, two sequential indirect pathways emerged via anger and constructive patriotism. Specifically, individuals with higher levels of perceived personal injustice were less likely to trust institutions through decreased perceived personal respect. Moreover, perceived personal respect was associated with reduced trust via increased anger and decreased constructive patriotism. While the results were largely consistent across countries, the significance and relative strength of some of the paths exhibited variability. The findings offer insights into the psychological underpinnings of political trust across contexts. Limitations, implications of the results, and avenues for future research are discussed

Power Distance Orientation as an Antecedent of Individuals’ Intentions to Engage in Radical Political Action

The cultural dimension of power distance refers to individuals’ acceptance of power inequalities in society. Countries characterized by high power distance at the collective level face more domestic extremism. However, research has yet to examine how individual differences in power distance orientation may affect individuals’ intentions to engage in radical and violent political action. In this research, we test the hypothesis that stronger endorsement of power distance values makes people more prone to express the intentions to engage in radical and violent political action. To test the hypothesis’ generalizability across contexts, we sample from two countries characterized by different levels of power distance at the collective level, South Korea (higher power distance) and the United States (lower power distance). Studies 1a and 1b were surveys (Ntot = 1,214) demonstrating an association between power distance orientation and radical political action over and beyond other known predictors of political participation, including political efficacy, perceived justice, emotions of anger and contempt, political orientation, and social dominance orientation. In Studies 2a-2c (Ntot = 430; 2c preregistered), priming a higher (vs lower) power distance orientation heightened individuals’ propensity to express the intentions to engage in radical political action. Theoretical implications of the findings, and future research directions, are discussed

Investigating the social embeddedness of criminal groups: Longitudinal associations between masculine honour and legitimizing attitudes towards the Camorra

The embeddedness of criminal groups within communities accrues from their ability to establish legitimacy, particularly among young people. A prototypical example are mafia claims to political authority in Italy. Intracultural Appropriation Theory proposes that embeddedness is partly derived from criminal groups’ ability to embody cultural ideologies of masculine honour, and to reinforce these ideologies in society through their actions. We tested these propositions using a three-wave longitudinal design involving Italian adolescents from the Campania region (N1stwave = 1,173). We also examined an alternative explanation rooted in individuals’ generic acceptance of group-based hierarchies, i.e., social dominance orientation. The longitudinal design enabled us to examine for the first time both between- and within-person processes. Between-person results indicated that higher levels of the masculine honour ideology and social dominance were associated with stronger legitimizing attitudes towards the Camorra, a mafia-type group. Within-person effects revealed a positive reciprocal association between masculine honour and legitimizing attitudes. These findings emphasize the importance of culture-specific ideologies in sustaining the legitimacy of criminal groups

The Utility of Pyrogenic Cytokine (IL-1β, TNF-α and IL-6) Detection In Risk Stratification of Critically lll Febrile Patients in Emergency Department

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Editorial in Contention

Contention is everywhere nowadays, permeating the fabric of society and constituting an important element of many different social relationships. It is also a central topic across a wide range of social scientific disciplines. Following the most contentious decade in over a century, scholarship on the topic of “contention” is booming. Nonetheless, we still lack a conceptual approach to “contention” as a general academic term beyond the bounds of the study of “contentious politics.” What is the meaning of contention? Drawing on a decade of editorial and research work on contention, this article surveys the profound breadth and variety of academic research on the topic, ranging from politics, psychology, and sociology to material culture, criminology, and beyond. We outline the common conceptual thread across these various areas, where “contention” generally indicates conflictual collective contests concerning competing claims