Purpose after tragedy

Psychological trauma arises through the experience of conflict, such as war, fire, and terrorism. People exposed carry fragments with them throughout their lifetime. Buildings hold a great significance in the fabric of the cities they inhabit, and can also become vessels for trauma. They carry the gift of keeping memories alive even as they succumb to ruins. One such building is the RTS- Radio Television of Serbia, located in the center of Belgrade, Serbia. During the Kosovo War of the late 1990’s, NATO saw this media center as a target because of its communication ties to the Yugoslav Armed Forces as well as its unethical campaign of propaganda against the population of Kosovo. The building today stands just as it was after the bombing 18 years ago, a scar on the urban fabric of the city and a harrowing reminder of the lives lost. Spaces affected by traumatic events become memorable through the context that defines them and through the process of memorialization. The memorialization process concerning a site of trauma must engage and interact with the affected community through program and function in order to address difficult history and allow victims to find solace. These spaces may hold connections to a negative memory with or without the presence of a concrete marker. Participatory architectural memorials engage and stimulate visitors, providing a platform for discussion that facilitates a cultural exchange while helping build a cohesive narrative. RTS stands today as a ruin, cleanly sliced in section. It is already an inherent memorial, begging attention through the void, not only in the absence of lives but also in the destruction of an incorporated structure. The intervention engages with an archive and exhibition program that is housed in a form that frames and completes the void while an extension punctures the ruin without touching it, acting as a proliferation of public space from the historic Tašmajdan park. The exhibition highlights the generational conflict that creates a collective and transparent narrative

National Assembly of the Republic Of Serbia: Temple or Façade of Democracy?

Snažan, efikasan i uticajan parlament, kao izvor legitimnosti vlasti i osnovni element koji omogućava podelu i ravnotežu vlasti, predstavlja „čist blagoslov za demokratizacijuˮ. Upravo zbog toga, funkcionalan parlament od presudne je važnosti za uspostavljanje stabilne i konsolidovane demokratije, posebno u društvima još uvek mlade i manjkave demokratije kakva je u Srbiji. Kako bismo utvrdili kako parlament u Srbiji sprovodi zakonodavnu i kontrolnu funkciju u praksi, analizirali smo i meru i način na koji Narodna skupština koristi procedure, institute i mehanizme koje ima na raspolaganju. Dva osnovna izvora građe u ovom istraživanju su statistički podaci o radu Narodne skupštine i podaci prikupljeni kroz dubinske intervjue s narodnim poslanicima i s predstavnicima akademske i stručne zajednice, međunarodnih organizacija i civilnog društva, koji su nam pružili značajan uvid u percepciju o radu parlamenta i njegovim najznačajnijim mehanizmima, kao i pojašnjenja o načinima funkcionisanja parlamenta. Strukutura ovog izveštaja stoga je podeljena na dve celine. Nakon uvodnog dela, s kratkim pregledom pravno-institucionalnog okvira koji uređuje položaj i rad parlamenta u Srbiji, slede dva centralna poglavlja ovog rada. Fokus prvog poglavlja usmeren je na zakonodavnu funkciju, odnosno na način na koji se zakoni u Skupštini usvajaju. Posebna pažnja usmerena je na aktivnosti narodnih poslanika u plenumu, kao i sve češću praksu zloupotrebe pravila i procedura, kao i posledice po kvalitet legislativne aktivnosti parlamenta. Drugo poglavlje posvećeno je kontrolnoj funkciji parlamenta, odnosno analizi načina na koji Skupština (ne) koristi mehanizame koje ima na raspolaganju. Mehanizam javnih slušanja i rad parlamentarnih odbora obrađeni su u okviru ovog poglavlja, uz naznake značaja koji imaju i za delotvorno sprovođenje zakonodavne funkcije Narodne skupštine. Rad se završava zaključkom, s kratkim osvrtom na ključne nalaze i njihove efekte na funkcionisanje političkog sistema u Srbiji.A powerful, efficient and influential parliament, as the source of legitimacy of the authorities and the basic element that enables the division and balance of power, represents a "pure blessing for democratization". For this very reason, a functioning parliament is crucial for establishing a stable and consolidated democracy, especially in societies of still young and deficient democracies such as Serbia. In order to determine how the Parliament in Serbia performs its legislative and oversight functions in practice, we analyzed both the extent and the manner in which the National Assembly uses the procedures, institutes and mechanisms available. Two primary sources of material in this research are statistical data on the work of the National Assembly and the data collected through in-depth interviews with MPs and representatives of the academic and professional community, international organizations and civil society, who provided us with a significant insight into the perception of the work of the Parliament and its most important mechanisms, as well as clarifications on the ways in which the Parliament functions. The structure of this paper is therefore divided into two parts. After the introductory part containing a brief overview of the legal and institutional framework that regulates the position and work of the Parliament in Serbia, there are two central chapters of this paper. The focus of the first chapter is aimed at the legislative function – the way laws are adopted in the Assembly. Special attention is paid to the activities of MPs in the plenum and to increasingly frequent practices of abuse of rules and procedures, as well as the consequences for the quality of legislative activities of the Parliament. The second chapter is devoted to the oversight function of the Parliament i.e. the analysis of the way in which the Assembly (does not) use mechanisms at its disposal. The mechanism of public hearing and the work of parliamentary committees have been elaborated within this chapter with indications of their importance for the effective implementation of the legislative function of the National Assembly. The paper ends with a conclusion – a brief overview of the key findings and their effects on the functioning of the political system in Serbia

Mobile Network Dimensioning in Urban Areas

Treća generacija mobilnih sustava unosi velike promjene u infrastrukturi što omogućavanove usluge, a samim time i porast broja korisnika. Uz pomoć mjerenja ustanovljeno jekakoje 4G mreža višestruko brža od 3G mreže u uzlaznom i silaznom smjeru. Pokrivenost LTE mrežom u Hrvatskoj razvija se kako rastu potrebe korisnika pa su sada pokrivena i manja mjesta. Svaka nova generacija mobilne telefonije donosi poboljšanja u proširenju frekvencijskog spektra, povećanju brzine i kvalitete prijenosa podataka te povećanju kapaciteta mreže. S napretkom mreže, kako bi se zadovoljile potrebe korisnika, povećat će se broj usluga i dostupnost većeg izbora sadržaja koje će korisnicima biti na raspolaganju.Third generation mobile systems bring major changes in infrastructure that enables new services, and also increases the number of users. The studies have shown that the 4G network is faster than the 3G network in upload and download of data from the service provider. The coverage of LTE network in Croatia is evolving according to customer's needs, and now even smaller town are covered. Each new generation of mobile telephony brings improvements in the expansion of the frequency spectrum, increasing the speed and quality of data transmission and increasing network capacity. With the development of mobile networks, to meet the needs of users, the number of services will increase as well as variety of contents available to users

Špijunaža kao oblik ugrožavanja poslovnih informacija

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Variability of soil properties and forest site types defining in the Sava river valley in the FA Morović area : doctoral dissertation

U disertaciji su prikazane edafske karakteristike i tipovi šumskih staništa u poloju reke Save na području Šumske uprave Morović, na osnovu terenskih i laboratorijskih istraživanja fizičkih i hemijskih osobina zemljišta i proučenih šumskih fitocenoza. Istraživanjima u ovom radu obuhvaćeni su šumski kompleksi na području Gornjeg Srema, u nasipom branjenom i nebranjenom delu poloja reke Save...The dissertation reveals the edaphic characteristics and types of forest sites in the Sava River valley in the area of the Morović forest administration, based on field and laboratory research of physical and chemical properties of the soil and the studied forest phytocenoses. The research in this paper includes the forest complexes in the area of Gornji Srem, in the zone defended by an embankment and in the undefended zone of the Sava River valley..

Podela vlasti u ustavnom dizajnu i (ne)ravnoteža vlasti u praksi: slučaj Srbije

Funkcionalan parlament, koji efikasno i delotvorno vrši svoju predstavničku, zakonodavnu, kontrolnu i izbornu funkciju, predstavlja jedan od osnovnih preduslova za očuvanje ravnoteže vlasti, odnosno kamen temeljac vladavine prava. Međutim, iako ustavni dizajn na prvi pogled obezbeđuje jake garancije za podelu vlasti i snažnu ulogu parlamenta u Srbiji, sve veća koncentracija moći u rukama izvršne vlasti i političkih partija, kao i sistemske zloupotrebe demokratskih procedura, dovode do urušavanja položaja i uticaja parlamenta. Polazeći od Ustava Republike Srbije i uređenja vlasti koje predviđa, u ovom radu analizira se moć i uticaj koji parlament ima de jure i de facto u političkom sistemu Srbije. Analizirajući odnos zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti u Srbiji, ovim radom ističemo značajnu razliku između principa podele vlasti koja je de jure definisana Ustavom, i neravnoteže vlasti koja de facto postoji. Time ispitujemo domet uticaja koji ustavni dizajn ima na uspostavljanje i očuvanje vladavine prava, kao i potencijalne zloupotrebe istog od strane nedemokratskih vođa kako bi uz „fasadnu” demokratiju, zloupotrebu i kršenje demokratskih procedura, konsolidovali vlast. U radu se zaključuje da su uloga i uticaj parlamenta u političkom sistemu Srbije u praksi znatno manji nego što je predviđeno samim ustavnim dizajnom, uz alarmantno nizak stepen odgovornosti prema delotvornom vršenju svojih funkcija.A functioning parliament, which efficiently and effectively performs its representative, legislative, control and electoral functions, is one of the basic preconditions for preserving the system of checks and balances, as the cornerstone of the rule of law. However, although the constitutional design at first glance provides strong guarantees for the separation of powers and a strong role of the Parliament in Serbia, the growing concentration of power in the hands of the executive and political parties, as well as systemic misuse of democratic procedures, are resulting in degradation of the position and influence of the Parliament. Starting from the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia and envisaged organization of government, this paper analyzes the power and influence that the parliament has de jure and de facto in Serbian political system. By analyzing the relationship between the legislative and executive powers in Serbia, this paper underlines a significant difference between the principle of the separation of powers that is de jure defined by the Constitution, and their imbalance that exists de facto. Along these lines, the paper examines the extent of the influence that constitutional design has on the establishment and preservation of the rule of law, as well as its potential misuse by undemocratic leaders with the aim to consolidate the power with a “façade” democracy, abuse and violation of democratic procedures. The paper concludes that the role and influence of the Parliament in the political system of Serbia is in practice much lower than the constitutional design stipulated, with an alarmingly low level of responsibility for the effective performance of its functions

UGOVOR O OSIGURANJU ŽIVOTA U PRAVU CRNE GORE

Life insurance is a form of protection to the insured or the person close to him for accidents that may befall him. In this way one time to ensure the risk of death or loss or reduction capability of doing business. Life insurance eliminates the risk of both adverse consequences. Although long forbidden, because the argument that it is immoral to draw benefit from the death or injury, today's contract of life insurance is generally accepted in all jurisdictions .Life insurance serves the expansion of social insurance. In developed countries through the private life and pension insurance shall be correction system of pension insurance based on the principle of intergenerational solidarity, as pension funds all the harder to bear the burden of a large number of retirees. This paper analyzes the contract of life insurance in the law of Montenegro.Osiguranje života predstavlja oblik zaštite osiguranika ili njemu bliskog lica za slučaj nesreće koja ga može zadesiti. Na ovaj način čovek se na vreme obezbeđuje od rizika smrti, odnosno gubitka ili smanjenja sprosobnosti privređivanja. Životno osiguranje otklanja štetne poslijedice oba rizika. Iako dugo zabranjivano, zbog objašnjenja da je nemoralno izvlačiti korist od smrti ili nezgode, danas je ugovor o životnom osiguranju opšte prihvaćen u svim pravnim sistemima. Životno osiguranje služi proširenju socijalnog osiguranja. U razvijenim društvima kroz privatno životno i penzijsko osiguranje vrši se korekcija sistema penzijskog osiguranja zasnovanog na načelu generacijske solidarnosti, pošto penzioni fondovi sve teže podnose opterećenje velikog broja penzionera

Parlament Srbije

Narodna skupština Republike Srbije je, kako je predviđeno Ustavom, najviše predstavničko telo i nosilac zakonodavne vlasti. Zadužena je i za nadzor nad izvršnom granom vlasti. U praksi, interesovanje građana za parlament se smanjuje, a nisko poverenje u Narodnu skupštinu povezano je sa urušavanjem poverenja u demokratiju. Centralizacija moći, prožimanje jednostranih narativa u javnom prostoru i dominacija u medijima u celini doprinose prikazivanju predsednika Republike kao jedinog autoriteta koji je u očima građana zadužen za sva pitanja i teme, bez obzira na ustavno uređenje, što značajno degradira položaj parlamenta. Pored centralizacije moći u rukama izvršne vlasti, parlament se suočava i s brojnim strukturalnim slabostima i lošim unutrašnjim praksama. Ovo poglavlje analizira funkcionisanje i učinak Skupštine Srbije tokom protekle decenije (2008—2020), kao jedne od ključnih institucija koja štiti demokratiju i obezbeđuje funkcionisanje demokratskih procesa, sa ciljem da pruži uvide koji doprinose sveobuhvatnom pregledu stanja u srpskoj demokratiji. Analiza se fokusira kako na njenu formalnu moć koja je osigurana kroz zakonodavni okvir, tako i na sprovođenje njenih odgovornosti u praksi, sa ciljem da identifikuje ključne karakteristike i trendove u radu ove institucije koji utiču na njen učinak i delotvornost. Fokus analize usmeren je na poslednja četiri mandata Skupštine koja su obeležila njeno funkcionisanje tokom poslednje decenije, u skladu s delokrugom ove publikacije (2008-2020). Položaj i učinak parlamenta procenjuju se pomoću kombinacije kvantitativnih i kvalitativnih metoda, zasnovanih na korišćenju statistike o radu i aktivnostima parlamentarnih tela i poslanika okupljenih putem platforme Otvoreni parlament, kvalitativnih procena zasnovanih na analizama javno dostupnih izvora, uključujući zakonodavni okvir, izveštaje državnih institucija i renomiranih domaćih i međunarodnih organizacija, kao i pomoću nalaza ispitivanja javnog mnjenja o stavovima građana, percepciji i poverenju u Skupštinu i narodne poslanike.As stipulated by the Constitution, the National Assembly of the Republic of Serbia is the highest representative body and the holder of legislative power. The National Assembly is also in charge of monitoring the executive branch. In practice, citizens’ interest in the parliament is declining, and the lack of trust in the National Assembly is associated with a collapse of confidence in democracy. The centralization of power, one-sided narratives widespread in public space and domineering the media as a whole contribute to the portrayal of the President of the Republic as the only authority in charge of all issues and topics, regardless of the constitutional system. This significantly degrades the position of the parliament. In addition to the centralization of power in the hands of the executive, the Parliament faces a number of structural weaknesses and poor internal practices. This chapter analyses the functioning and performance of the Parliament of Serbia over the past decade (2008-2020), as one of the key institutions safeguarding democracy and ensuring the functioning of democratic processes, with the aim to provide insights that contribute to a comprehensive overview of the state of Serbian democracy. The analysis is focusing both on its formal power ensured through the legislative framework, as well as on the implementation of Parliament’s responsibilities in practice, with the aim to identify key characteristics and trends in the work of this institution influencing its performance and effectiveness. The analysis focuses on the last four mandates of the parliament that marked its functioning over the last decade, in line with the scope of this publication (2008-2020). The position and performance of the Parliament is assessed with a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, based on the use of statistics on the work and activities of the parliamentary bodies and MPs gathered through the Open Parliament platform, as well as qualitative assessments based on the analysis of publicly available sources including the legislative framework, reports of state institutions and renown domestic and international organizations, and findings of the opinion polls on citizens’ attitudes, perception and trust in the Parliament and MPs

Party Politics and the State of Emergency: Behaviour of Political Parties during the Coronavirus Pandemic

The Coronavirus crisis has laid bare both the strengths as well as the weaknesses of political systems, democratic institutions and the political parties throughout the region, mirroring the real state of democracy on the ground. The already weakened democratic institutions have deteriorated even further, and the fragile checks and balances systems have demonstrated their inefficiency in practice. Political leaders rarely managed to resist the temptation to use the unprecedented opportunity of power up for grabs, misusing restrictive measures as a convenient instrument to strengthen the position of government and weaken political opposition

Prognostic significance of myelotoxicity during chemotherapy on the survival of patients with advanced Non-small Cell Lung cancer

Karcinom bronha je važna i široko rasprostranjena bolest koja predstavlja veliki problem javnog zdravlja. Kod osoba muškog pola se nalazi na prvom mestu kako po učestalosti obolevanja tako i kao uzrok smrti među svim malignim tumorima, dok se kod osoba ženskog pola nalazi na trećem ili četvrtom mestu po obolevanju, a po umiranju uglavnom na drugom mestu. Kod najvećeg broja bolesnika bolest se otkriva u uznapredovalom ili metatstaskom stadijumu, a hemioterapija predstavlja jedan od vidova lečenja uznapredovale ili metastatske bolesti. Pored toga što produžava preživljavanje i poboljšava kvalitet života obolelih praćena je istovremeno i brojnim neželjenim događajima. Iako hemioterapijski protokoli bazirani na preparatima platine ostvaruju najveću efektivnost kod bolesnika sa uznapredovalim nemikrocelularnim karcinomom bronha toksičnost koja je prati predstavlja najveći problem sa kojim se susrećemo. Ali, uprkos ovoj činjenici veliki broj studija je pokazao da je upravo odsustvo mijelotoksičnosti tokom hemioterapije udruženo sa lošijim ishodom lečenja kod obolelih od karcinoma bronha. Iz tog razloga je i predloženo da se hematološka toksičnost koristi kao mera biološke aktivnosti citotoksičnih lekova, njen prognostički značaj je evaluiran i proučavan u velikom broju studija. Ciljevi ove doktorske disertacije su bili da se utvrditi uticaj leukopenije, anemije i trombocitopenije kao nezavisnih prognostičkih faktora na preživljavanje bolesnika sa nemikrocelularnim karcinomom bronha; da se utvrditi učestalost hematološke toksičnosti lečenih hemioterapijskim protokolima Cisplatin/Vepezid i Gemcitabin/Cisplatin i da se utvrdite razlike u preživljavanju bolesnika lečenih hemioterapijskim protokolima Cisplatin/Vepezid i Gemcitabin/Cisplatin. U uzorku je analizirano 200 bolesnika, 76% muškog i 24% ženskog pola, prosečne starosti 61.4 godine. Najzastupljenji su bili bolesnici u IV stadijumu 50.5%, a najčešći patohistološki tip karcinoma u uzorku je bio adenokarcinom sa 51.5%. Nije utvrđeno postojanje statistički značajne razlike u gradusima leukopenije, anemije i trombocitopenije između posmatranih grupa, (X2=2.908, X2=2.264, X2=3.403, p>0.05). U obe grupe je univarijantnom analizom dokazanao da stadijum bolesti i terapijski odgovor imaju statistički značaj kao „ne - hematološki“ prognostički faktori (p0.05). Nije postojala razlika u preživljavanju bolesnika sa anemijom, leukopenijom i trombocitopenijom između grupa A i B za graduse 0, 3 i 4Lung cancer is an important and widespread disease which represents a major public health problem. It is the most frequent disease among all malignant diseases at males, among women it is on the third or fourth place among malignant diseases. In most cases the disease is detected at an advanced or metastatic stage and chemotherapy is one of the therapy options of. Despite the fact that chemotherapy prolongs survival and improves quality of life of patients, at the same time chemotherapy causes a number of different adverse events. Although chemotherapy protocols based platinum achieve maximum effectiveness in patients with advanced non-small cell lung cancer, toxicity that accompanies represents a big problem. But despite this fact, a number of studies have shown that the absence of myelotoxicity during chemotherapy is associated with poorer treatment outcomes in patients with bronchial carcinoma. For this reason, it is proposed that hematological toxicity may be used as a measure of the biological activity of the cytotoxic drug, and its prognostic significance was studied and evaluated in a number of studies. The objectives of this dissertation were to determine the effect of leucopenia, anemia andthrombocytopenia as an independent prognostic factor in the survival of patients with Non Small Cell Lung lung cancer, to determine the incidence of hematological toxicity treated with chemotherapy protocols cisplatin/etoposid and gemcitabine/cisplatin and to determine differences in survival patients treated with chemotherapy protocols cisplatin/etoposid and gemcitabine/ cisplatin. We analyzed 200 patients, 76% male and 24% female, mean age 61.4 years. The most frequent were patients in stage IV 50.5%, and the most common histopathological type was adenocarcinoma with 51.5%. We did not find statistically significant differences in grade of leukopenia, anemia and thrombocytopenia between the groups (X2=2.908, X2=2.264, X2=3.403, p>0.05). In both groups, the univariant analysis has shown that the stage of disease and response rate as a non-hematological prognostic factor had statistical significance (p 0.05). We did not find any statistically differences in overall survival between group A and B for leucopenia, anemia and trombocitopenia grade 0, 3 and 4