Konsonandikeskne vältesüsteem eesti ja inarisaami keeles

Väitekirja elektrooniline versioon ei sisalda publikatsiooneKolme pikkuskategooriaga konsonandikeskne vältesüsteem esineb väga vähestes keeltes, teadaolevalt ainult soome-ugri keeltes: eesti, liivi ja inarisaami keeles ning veel mõningates saami keeltes. Doktoritöö keskendub neist kahele – eesti ja inarisaami keelele, millest esimene kuulub soome-ugri keelte läänemeresoome ja teine saami keelterühma. Eesti keeles esineb keerukas kolmevältesüsteem, kus vastandus moodustatakse nii vokaalide, konsonantide kui ka mõlema põhjal. Inarisaami keeles leiab kolm pikkuskategooriat vaid konsonantide puhul, vokaalidel esineb kahene vastandus. Eksperimentaalfoneetiline väitekiri uurib, kuidas kolmene konsonandikeskne kvantiteedisüsteem nendes keeltes foneetiliselt avaldub kõnetaktis. Vaadeldakse omadusi, mis kolme väldet üksteisest eristavad. Teise suurema teemana käsitleb doktoritöö segmentaalse konteksti rolli eesti keele konsonandivälte avaldumisel. Töö tulemused näitavad, et kolme konsonandikeskset väldet eristab nii eesti kui ka inarisaami keeles konsonandi enda kestus, mis on suuremas vältes pikem. Keeltevahelised erinevused tulevad välja kategooriate omavaheliste kestussuhete kaudu: eesti keeles eristuvad teineteisest rohkem esimene ja teine välde, inarisaamis aga teine ja kolmas välde. Kui eesti keeles lüheneb konsonandile järgnev rõhutu silbi vokaal vastavalt konsonandivälte kasvades, siis inarisaamis lühenevad mõlemad, nii konsonandile eelnev rõhulise silbi vokaal kui ka sellele järgnev rõhutu silbi vokaal. Põhitoonikontuurid inarisaami eri struktuuriga kahesilbilistes sõnades märkimisväärselt ei varieeru, kuid konsonandivälte kasvades intensiivsuse väärtuste erinevus esimese ja teise silbi vokaali vahel suureneb. Samas eri vältes oleva vokaalidevahelise helilise konsonandi enda intensiivsus ei muutu. Põhitoon on eesti keeles oluline teise ja kolmanda välte eristamisel, kuid klusiilide puhul, kus põhitooni liikumist jälgida ei saa, on ka leitud, et välte tajumiseks piisab kestuslikest tunnustest. Doktoritöö eesti keele artikulatsioonikatse tulemused näitavad, et kolmese konsonandikeskse välte avaldumisel on oluline osa segmentaalsel kontekstil. Kui mõningate artikulatoorsete liigutuste puhul saab näha vältega seotud kolmeseid mustreid (huulte sulgemisliigutuse kestuses konsonandi hääldamisel, keeleliigutuste kestuses üleminekul konsonandile eelnevalt vokaalilt järgnevale), siis erineva sõnaalgulise konsonandi ja ümbritseva vokaalikonteksti tõttu esineb varieerumist, kus esimene ja teine välde vastanduvad kolmandale või vastandub esimene välde teisele ja kolmandale. Ka spontaankõne materjali põhjal tehtud akustiline analüüs näitas, et erinevate konsonantide puhul realiseerub kolmene välde mõnevõrra erinevalt ning sealjuures on oluline seos konsonandi ja seda ümbritsevate vokaalide omaduste vahel.Quantity systems with three length categories for consonants can be found in a small number of languages, all of which belong to the Finno-Ugric languages: Estonian, Livonian, Inari Saami, and some other Saami languages. The focus of this dissertation is on two of them, Estonian and Inari Saami, the former belonging to the Finnic and the latter to the Saamic branch. Estonian exhibits a complex quantity system forming ternary length categories with vowels, consonants, or combinations of both. In Inari Saami, ternary length distinction is found for consonants, while vocalic quantity shows binary oppositions. This thesis comprises experimental phonetic studies answering two main questions: how is ternary consonantal quantity in Estonian and Inari Saami realized phonetically, and how does quantity interact with segmental context. The results showed that, in both languages, the three-way consonantal quantity is manifested in consonant durations that are longer in higher quantity degrees. While Estonian first and second quantity are further apart from each other, in Inari Saami second and third quantity are more distinct. Cross-linguistic differences also appear in the relations between intervocalic consonants and neighboring vowels. In Estonian, the vowel following the consonant is shorter after a long and overlong consonant than after a short one. Quantity differences in Inari Saami are realized in shorter durations of both vowels in terms of increasing consonantal quantity. Fundamental frequency contours in Inari Saami are roughly the same in words with different structures. Intensity measures, however, show greater differences between the vowels surrounding the consonant when the quantity of the consonant increases. The intensity of the sonorant consonant does not change in different quantities. The results of the articulatory study of this thesis show variation in quantity manifestations in Estonian geminate consonants due to varied segmental context. Some articulatory movements exhibit three-way patterns associated with quantity categories (in the duration of the lip closing gesture for the consonant and tongue transition gesture from the preceding vowel to the following vowel); for others the first and second quantity are opposed to the third quantity or the first quantity degree is opposed to the second and third ones. Similar patters were found in the acoustic data from spontaneous speech. The durational properties of ternary quantity are realized differently for different intervocalic consonants, and variation is also caused by coarticulatory effects of the surrounding vowels.https://www.ester.ee/record=b524109

Context-dependent articulation of consonant gemination in Estonian

Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0)The three-way quantity system is a well-known phonological feature of Estonian. In a number of studies it has been shown that quantity is realized in a disyllabic foot by the stressed-to-unstressed syllable rhyme duration ratio and also by pitch movement as the secondary cue. The stressed syllable rhyme duration is achieved by combining the length of the vowel and the coda consonant, which enables minimal septets of CVCV-sequences based on segmental duration. In this study we analyze articulatory (EMA) recordings from four native Estonian speakers producing all possible quantity combinations of intervocalic bilabial stops in two vocalic contexts (/alpha-i/ vs. /i-alpha/). The analysis shows that kinematic characteristics (gesture duration, spatial extent, and peak velocity) are primarily affected by quantity on the segmental level: Phonologically longer segments are produced by longer and larger lip closing gestures and, in reverse, shorter and smaller lip opening movements. Tongue transition gesture is consistently lengthened and slowed down by increasing consonant quantity. In general, both kinematic characteristics and intergestural coordination are influenced by non-linear interactions between segmental quantity levels as well as vocalic context.Peer reviewe

Kihnu murraku diftongidest

http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2653288~S1*es

Y-chromosomal connection between Hungarians and geographically distant populations of the Ural Mountain region and West Siberia

Hungarians who live in Central Europe today are one of the westernmost Uralic speakers. Despite of the proposed Volga-Ural/West Siberian roots of the Hungarian language, the present-day Hungarian gene pool is highly similar to that of the surrounding Indo-European speaking populations. However, a limited portion of specific Y-chromosomal lineages from haplogroup N, sometimes associated with the spread of Uralic languages, link modern Hungarians with populations living close to the Ural Mountain range on the border of Europe and Asia. Here we investigate the paternal genetic connection between these spatially separated populations. We reconstruct the phylogeny of N3a4-Z1936 clade by using 33 high-coverage Y-chromosomal sequences and estimate the coalescent times of its sub-clades. We genotype close to 5000 samples from 46 Eurasian populations to show the presence of N3a4-B539 lineages among Hungarians and in the populations from Ural Mountain region, including Ob-Ugricspeakers from West Siberia who are geographically distant but linguistically closest to Hungarians. This sub-clade splits from its sister-branch N3a4-B535, frequent today among Northeast European Uralic speakers, 4000–5000 ya, which is in the time-frame of the proposed divergence of Ugric languages

Inari Saami geminates

Data extracted from the Inari Saami prosody corpus (http://dx.doi.org/10.15155/1-00-0000-0000-0000-00150L), used in Türk et al (2018). The Acoustic Correlates of Quantity in Inari Saami. Journal of Phonetics. Target words with six different foot structures were used: CVCV, CVCCV, CVC:CV(C), CVVCV(C), CVVCCV(C), CVVC:CVC. In total there were 1463 words included in the analysis of durations, 1043 for fundamental frequency and 597 for intensity measures