Identifying differences in the experience of (in)authenticity: a latent class analysis approach

Generally, psychologists consider state authenticity– that is, the subjective sense of being one’s true self – to be a unitary and unidimensional construct, such that (a) the phenomenological experience of authenticity is thought to be similar no matter its trigger, and (b) inauthenticity is thought to be simply the opposing pole (on the same underlying construct) of authenticity. Using latent class analysis, we put this conceptualization to a test. In order to avoid over-reliance on a Western conceptualization of authenticity, we used a cross-cultural sample (N = 543), comprising participants from Western, South-Asian, East-Asian, and South-East Asian cultures. Participants provided either a narrative in which the described when they felt most like being themselves or one in which they described when they felt least like being themselves. The analysis identified six distinct classes of experiences: two authenticity classes ('everyday' and 'extraordinary'), three inauthenticity classes ('self-conscious,' 'deflated,' and 'extraordinary'), and a class representing convergence between authenticity and inauthenticity. The classes were phenomenologically distinct, especially with respect to negative affect, private and public self-consciousness, and self-esteem. Furthermore, relatively more interdependent cultures were less likely to report experiences of extraordinary (in)authenticity than relatively more independent cultures. Understanding the many facets of (in)authenticity may enable researchers to connect different findings and explain why the attainment of authenticity can be difficult

Sketching the contours of state authenticity

We outline a program of research in which we examined state authenticity, the sense of being one’s true self. In particular, we describe its phenomenology (what it feels like to be experience authenticity), its correlates(e.g.,emotions,needs),itsnomologicalnetwork(e.g.,real-idealselfoverlap,publicandprivate self-consciousness), its cultural parameters (Easter and Western culture), its precursors or determinants (congruency, positivity, and hedonism), and its psychological health implications. We conclude by arguing that state authenticity deserves its own conceptual status, distinct from trait authenticity, and by setting an agenda for future research

State authenticity

State authenticity is the sense that one is currently in alignment with one’s true or real self. We discuss state authenticity as seen by independent raters, describe its phenomenology, outline its triggers, consider its well-being and behavioral implications, and sketch out a cross-disciplinary research agenda

How quickly can you detect it? Power facilitates attentional orienting

This study investigated how power impacts the ability to orient attention across space. Participants were assigned to a high power or control role and then performed a computerised spatial cueing task in which they were required to direct their attention to a target that had been preceded by either a valid or invalid location cue. Compared to participants in the control condition, power-holders were better able to override the misinformation provided by invalid cues. This advantage occurred only at 500 ms stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA), whereas at 1000 ms SOA, when there was more time to prepare a response, no differences were found. These findings are taken to support the growing idea that social power affects cognitive flexibility

Employability in the first degree: The role of work placements on students' perceptions of graduate employability

Employers often claim that graduates are not ready for the world of work as they lack employability skills (Archer & Davison, 2008). One policy response to this claim has been to encourage students to undertake a work placement to enhance success in the competitive job market (The Dearing Report, 1997). The present research investigated whether psychology students, who were enrolled on an undergraduate degree programme that included a one-year work placement, understood the advantages and disadvantages of work placements and how they perceived its impact on employability. We present questionnaire data from 49 undergraduates at different stages of their degree programme – pre- and post-placement. Generally, students perceived the employability benefits of the work-placement. However, there were differences in how these were articulated by pre- and post-placement students, with post-placement students able to use more concrete terms. This suggests that there is some development throughout the applied degree, but emphasis needs to be placed on training students how to demonstrate the skills they have developed through the work placement to potential employers

Value stability and change during self-chosen life transitions: Self-selection vs. socialization effects

Three longitudinal studies examine a fundamental question regarding adjustment of personal values to self-chosen life transitions: Do values fit the new life setting already at its onset, implying value-based self-selection? Or do values change to better fit the appropriate and desirable values in the setting, implying value socialization? As people are likely to choose a life transition partly based on their values, their values may fit the new life situation already at its onset, leaving little need for value socialization. However, we propose that this may vary as a function of the extent of change the life transition entails, with greater change requiring more value socialization. To enable generalization, we used 3 longitudinal studies spanning 3 different life transitions and different extents of life changes: vocational training (of new police recruits), education (psychology vs. business students), and migration (from Poland to Britain). Although each life transition involved different key values and different populations, across all 3 studies we found value fit to the life situation already early in the transition. Value socialization became more evident the more aspects of life changed as part of the transition, that is, in the migration transition. The discussion focuses on the implications of these findings for research on values and personality change, as well as limitations and future directions for research

Running head: VALUE SELF-SELECTION VS. SOCIALIZATION 1 Value Stability and Change during Self-Chosen Life Transitions: Self-Selection Versus Socialization Effects

Socialization Effects Recent findings suggest that although values are largely stable, when they do change, such change is theoretically meaningful (e.g., Values Values convey important life goals (e.g., achievement, tradition). They are general beliefs about personally desirable end states or behaviors, ordered by their personal importance, and they guide evaluation and behavior Values are one aspect of a person's personality, if personality is broadly defined. They can be seen as characteristic adaptations in broad models of personality (McRae & VALUE SELF-SELECTION VS. SOCIALIZATION 4 Costa, e.g., 1999). Consequently, they are related to other aspects of the personality including traits (e.g., Unlike values, people do not choose their needs (see The most prevalent theory of values to date is the Schwartz (1992) value theory, which we employ here. This theory defines ten values according to the motivations that underlie them, and their structure is portrayed in Value-Fit to Life Situations A good value-fit to a life situation refers to holding values that can be readily pursued in that environment and avoiding values whose pursuit would be blocked. There is some evidence for the existence such value-fit. Specifically, workers held values that fit their occupations If they value conformity and power, they are more likely to be motivated to enforce (through VALUE SELF-SELECTION VS. SOCIALIZATION 5 power values) the law (through conformity values) even in difficult situations, and are thus able to behave in line with their role expectations. Second, values serve as justifications for behavior How does such value-fit come about? In self-chosen life settings, such as the ones studied in this paper, there can be three broad ways to value-fit: People may choose the life setting based on their values (i.e., self-selection); people may gradually acquire the values that are regarded as appropriate and desirable in the life setting (i.e., socialization Vocational training, education, and migration. We next review the literature on self-selection vs. socialization in each of these settings. In each section, we begin by reviewing research that used personality variables other than values and continue with research that used values. Self-Selection into a New Life Setting In the organizational literature, That is, people are attracted to organizations that fit them; organizations select employees who fit them; and those who do not fit the organization end up leaving it (evidence reviewed in Schneider, Socialization into a New Life Setting There is some evidence for the socialization of personal attributes as a result of a life transition. For example, Cable and Parsons (2001) found that during the first two years of a job, new employee's work-related attributes (e.g., attention to detail) became more similar to the organizational culture the more they experienced support from other employees and the clearer the requirements for career progression were to them. Regarding basic personality traits, conscientiousness increased in young adults the more they were engaged in life transitions that required this trait Finally, in educational settings, attitudes became more in line with one's university major VALUE SELF-SELECTION VS. SOCIALIZATION 8 (reviewed in Values, however, may be less amenable to socialization compared to attitudes. Because values are more abstract than most attitudes (see In the educational domain, context-specific job values (e.g., independence in the job) tended to remain stable throughout the three years of university studies thereby showing no socialization effects A study of immigration of Ingrian-Finns back to Finland (Lönnqvist et al., 2011) from generations of residing in Russia could potentially test for socialization effects. However, it is not clear how much of the original Finnish culture was maintained in the sample during their life in Russia, and therefore it is not clear how much value socialization was needed upon returning to Finland. Overall, there is currently no longitudinally-based evidence in the literature for value socialization during adulthood, although this process seems plausible and has been suggested previously (e.g., Combined Effects of Self-Selection and Socialization It is plausible that both self-selection and socialization occur during a life transition. People may self-select into a life transition based on their personality but continue to increase their fit to the new life situation as time goes by (see, e.g., To summarize, the literature reviewed above provides imperfect evidence with regard to value-based self-selection into educational and vocational life transitions, and there are currently no studies that examined this question in the migration context. With regard to value socialization into a life transition, there is currently no published evidence that could support or refute this proposition. Moreover, there are currently no published studies that provide evidence for the interplay between value-based self-selection vs. socialization into life transitions. Hence, it is important to conduct longitudinal studies that will examine this question systematically across different life transitions. The Current Research and its Analytical Strategy The current set of studies contrasted evidence in line with value-based self-selection into a self-chosen life transition vs. value socialization to the new life setting. To enable generalization, we examined this question across three different life transitions -vocational training, education, and migration. These contexts differed in the key values that were central to the new life setting. The studied contexts also differed in the number of aspects of life (e.g., social environment, place of residence) that changed as part of the life transition and the studies are ordered from the least to most aspects of life that were likely to change. Study 1 tested this question in a vocational training setting, during a training course of new VALUE SELF-SELECTION VS. SOCIALIZATION 11 police recruits, where the main life context that changed was working day activity. Study 2 tested the same question in an academic setting, where participants underwent changes in both their working day and evening social activities, and often place of residence. Study 3 tested this question within an acculturation setting, in a longitudinal study of Polish migrants to Britain, where many aspects of life changed (working day activity, social environment, place of residence; but also culture, language, and public services, such as health services)

Getting what you want: power increases the accessibility of active goals

Power facilitates goal-directed behavior. Two studies, using different types of goals, examined the cognitive mechanisms that underlie this tendency. Participants, primed with power or powerlessness, performed lexical decision tasks that assessed the relative facilitation of goal-relevant constructs during goal striving and after goal attainment. Results showed that during goal striving powerful participants manifested an increased facilitation of goal-relevant constructs compared to other constructs, and this facilitation decreased immediately after goal completion. In contrast, their powerless counterparts showed less facilitation of goal constructs during goal striving and maintained goal accessibility after completion. These results are consistent with the effects of power on goal-directed behavior found in past research

I feel good, therefore I am real: testing the causal influence of mood on state authenticity

Although the literature has focused on individual differences in authenticity, recent findings suggest that authenticity is sensitive to context; that is, it is also a state. We extended this perspective by examining whether incidental affect influences authenticity. In three experiments, participants felt more authentic when in a relatively positive than negative mood. The causal role of affect in authenticity was consistent across a diverse set of mood inductions, including explicit (Experiments 1 and 3) and implicit (Experiment 2) methods. The link between incidental affect and state authenticity was not moderated by ability to down-regulate negative affect (Experiments 1 and 3) nor was it explained by negative mood increasing private self-consciousness or decreasing access to the self system (Experiment 3). The results indicate that mood is used as information to assess one’s sense of authenticity