Nuclear weapons: the state of play

"The present report ... describes in detail the progress - or lack of it - on the commitments and recommendations of the 2010 NPT Review Conference, the 2010 and 2012 NSS, and the rather more ambitious ICNND, as at December 2012. Its publication in early 2013 is timed to assist the deliberation of the NPT PrepCom process, and it will be followed by a further updated volume in 2015, prior to that year's NPT Review Conference. While there are some other "report card" publications in existence, or in preparation, aimed at tracking particular sets of recommendations or the performance of particular groups of states, we believe that the present volume is the most comprehensive of its kind." - page xCopyright Information: "This publication may be reproduced in full or in part if accompanied with the following citation:Ramesh Thakur and Gareth Evans, eds., Nuclear Weapons:The State of Play (Canberra: Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disar

India as a global security actor

Thanks to sustained economic growth and key investments in military capabilities, India will face growing demands from within and the international community to seek and play a greater role in global security affairs. The values and interests likely to guide India’s future behavior will be a mixture of old and new, eastern and western. India’s international aspirations have an important pre-history, covered in this chapter’s first section where non-alignment, as idea and practice, is explored for its enduring significance. India’s relevance as a security actor is assessed in terms of its activities and capacity to influence developments within two security zones of major contemporary importance: Afghanistan and the Indian Ocean. Finally, a section on the constraints and challenges examines India’s ability to navigate a multi-polar world, the fallout and gains of nuclearization, the 2008 Indo-US nuclear deal, as well as ‘the weaknesses from within’ in terms of human security

Sistem Ketahanan Pangan Nasional: Kontribusi Ketersediaan Dan Konsumsi Energi Serta Optimalisasi Distribusi Beras

Beras merupakan bahan pangan pokok bagi sebagian besar masyarakat Indonesia. Kecukupan ketersediaan beras pada tingkat nasional maupun regional menjadi prasarat bagi terwujudnya ketahanan pangan nasional. Masalah beras di Indonesia juga tidak terlepas dari aspek distribusi akibat adanya kesenjangan produksi antar daerah dan antar waktu. Studi ini mencoba untuk mengkaji (1) ketahanan pangan wilayah ditinjau dari ketersediaan energi, dan kontribusi beras dalam ketersediaan energi, (2) ketahanan pangan tingkat rumah tangga dan kontribusi konsumsi energi yang bersumber dari beras terhadap konsumsi energi total, (3) keragaan wilayah provinsi di Indonesia berdasar ketersediaan dan konsumsi beras, (4) optimalisasi distribusi beras antar daerah di Indonesia. Hasil studi menunjukkan bahwa ketahanan pangan wilayah pada tingkat nasional maupun regional dari aspek ketersediaan energi adalah terjamin, meskipun jika dilihat dari Pola Pangan Harapan (PPH) maka ketersediaan pangan belum memenuhi aspek keragaman pangan. Berdasar ketahanan pangan tingkat rumah tangga masih ditemukan rumah tangga yang tergolong rawan pangan yaitu sebanyak 10,39 persen di Provinsi Jawa Timur, dan 9,21 persen di Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan dengan ketergantungan terhadap konsumsi energi yang bersumber dari beras masing-masing senesar 47,9 dan 84,19 persen. Secara nasional, terdapat 11 provinsi yang mengalami defisit beras dan 22 provinsi yang mengalami surplus. Jumlah defisit beras di Indonesia tahun 2009 sebesar 2,09 juta ton. Biaya minimum yang diperlukan untuk mendistribusikan beras daerah surplus ke daerah defisit tersebut sebesar Rp 1,016 milyar

Guns and/or Butter: The Relationship between the Economy and the Military

SUMMARY The relationship between military expenditure and economic performance is a complex one, changing over time. At this historical juncture — especially for the UK and the USA — the evidence suggests that the net impact of military expenditure is negative. Although there are important technological spin?offs, these appear to be more than outweighed by their opportunity cost and the distortion of R & D. Military expenditure, because of its capital and import intensity and its use of scarce skills, also serves as a poor Keynesian pump primer. The prospects of ‘conversion’ are, however, constrained by the close political and economic meshing between military contractors, the defence establishment and political interest groups. SOMMAIRE Des fusils et/ou du beurre: Les rapports entre l'économie et le militaire Le rapport entre la dépense militaire et la performance économique est trés complexe, toujours changeant. A ce point de rencontre historique — surtout pour le Royaume Uni et les Etats Unis — l'évidence suggère que l'impact net de la dépense militaire est négatif. Quoiqu'il y ait d'importants dérivatifs technologiques, ceux?ci sont largement dépassés par leur coût et leur distortion. La dépense militaire, à cause du capital et de l'intensité de l'importation et de son pauvre usage de compétence, montre un bien pauvre exemple Keynesien. Les perspectives de ‘conservation’ sont, toutefois, restreintes par le filet serré politique et économique existant entre les entrepreneurs militaires, l'administration de la défence et les groupes d'intérêt politiques. RESUMEN Cañones y/o mantequilla: relación entre la economía y lo militar La relación entre gasto militar y comportamiento económico es muy compleja y cambia a través del tiempo. En la coyuntura histórica presente — especialmente para el Reino Unido y los EEUU — la evidencia indica que el impacto neto del gasto militar es negativo. Aun cuando tiene importantes ventajas tecnológicas éstas parecieran estar contrarrestadas por la pérdida de mejores oportunidades de inversión y por la distorción provocada en investigación y desarrollo. Debido a que requiere capitales e importaciones intensivos y destrezas especializadas escasas, el gasto militar es un pobre estímulo para la economía en el sentido keynesiano. Las posibilidades de ‘conversión’ están restringidas por la íntima interrelación política y económica entre los contratistas militares, el ‘sistema’ de defensa y los grupos de intereses políticos

Universalism vs. Particularism: On the Limits of Major Power Order

Relations between major powers can be described as shifting between universalism and particularism. In periods of universalism, major powers try to work out acceptable rules of behavior among one another, whereas in periods of particularism, they emphasize special interests of special powers. The way historians see shifts in major power relations since 1816 largely follows such a classification. By comparing the policies pursued during four periods of universalism and four periods of particularism, as well as analysing what ended or initiated such periods, the limits of major power universalism can be evaluated. Particularly, the short-comings of the recent period of detente are illuminated. Also some principles for a more enduring form of universalism are suggested.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/68816/2/10.1177_002234338402100304.pd

Military and Development in Bangladesh

SUMMARY This article traces the origins of the Bangladesh army back to the British East India Company's army and follows its development through the colonial period, looking at the consequences of the exclusion of Bengalis after 1857. It shows why the Bengali sections of the Pakistan army were brought to the point of revolt in the national liberation struggle of 1971, and examines the factors which inhibited the development of a people's army and people's war. The erosion of public support for the Mujib government and the 1971 takeover are discussed. It is concluded that though there were important grievances internal to the military, the economic situation was the most significant element in these events. Resume Militarisme et développement au Bangladesh Cet article attribue les origines de l'armée du Bangladesh à l'armée de la British East India Company et suit son développement au cours de la période coloniale, examinant les conséquences de l'exclusion des Bengalis, après 1857. Il démontre pourquoi les factions bengalis de l'armée pakistanaise furent au point de se révolter lors de la lutte de libération nationale de 1971, et examine les facteurs qui entravèrent le développement d'une armée populaire et d'une guerre populaire. L'érosion du soutien public pour le gouvernement Mujib et la prise de pouvoir de 1971, sont examinées. L'article conclut que, malgré l'existence de griefs considérables au sein même de l'armée, c'est à la situation économique qu'il convient d'attribuer le rôle prépondérant, dans ces événements. Resumen El militarismo y el desarrollo en Bangladesh En este artículo se investigan los orígenes del ejército de Bangladesh remontándose hasta el ejército de la Compañía británica de la India Oriental y sigue su evolución a través del período colonial, poniendo de relieve las consecuencias de la exclusión de los bengalíes después de 1857. Se indica por qué las secciones bengalíes del ejército de Pakistán casi llegaron al borde de la revuelta en la lucha de liberación nacional de 1971 y se examinan los factores que impidieron la creación de un ejército del pueblo y una guerra del pueblo. Se analizan la erosión del apoyo popular para el gobierno de Mujib y el golpe de estado de 1971. Se llega a la conclusión de que aunque existían importantes agravios internos hacia los militares, la situación económica fue el elemento más significativo de dichos acontecimientos

New Petro‐aggression in the Middle East: Saudi Arabia in the Spotlight

That hydrocarbon abundance may lead to more violence is an established truism in the literature on the resource curse. Looking at the Middle East, however, the literature relates bellicose state behaviour entirely to oil-producing revolutionary republics. Instead, dynastic monarchies are claimed to be the more peacefully behaving actors. Current developments turn this conclusion upside down, however. Since 2015 at the latest, the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia, the leading monarchy in the Middle East, has transformed from multi-dependence to petro-aggression. By discussing this striking transformation, the paper puts forward a framework looking at the interaction of three crucial dimensions: first, the decreasing power projection towards the Middle East by the United States, the decade-long hegemon, due to gradual changes in world energy markets and war fatigue at home; second, the lasting fiscal potency of the Saudi regime; and, third, the personalization of the Saudi monarchy under King Salman as a historically contingent result of transferring power to the generation of Ibn Saud's grandsons

Editorial: Disarmament and Development – the International Context

The interconnections between international economic recession, the new Cold War and militarisation in the South provide the context for the articles in the IDS Bulletin 'Disarmament and World Development: Is There a Way Forward', from October 1985. Contributors were asked to reassess four key reports on development, disarmament and security issues. All were undertaken during a period of transition in the global economy and the Cold War (1979–83). Despite differences of emphasis they all advocate an integrated global approach to world economic and military problems, the restructuring of North-South economic relationships, strengthening of detente, and reductions in the allocation of resources for military purposes. But why, then, have they had so little impact on policy and still less on the march of events? Contributors to the Bulletin were also asked to address how disarmament and development could be put back on the international agenda. For instance, is there an adequate political case for linking disarmament to development and does military spending in fact entrench underdevelopment