Higher education institutions and international students’ hindrances: a case of students from the African Portuguese-speaking countries at two European Portuguese universities

We present a study to comprehend if the support given by higher education institution (HEI) to international students coming from the PortugueseSpeaking African Countries meets their academic and social hindrances. Our starting point was a set of semi-structured interviews focused on the perspectives of these students, their Professors and Course Directors as well as on the perspectives of HEI’ staff. Despite findings indicate a positive institutional support, it seems there is still much to do in order to do it properly with these students. These different perspectives will allow us to reflect on the impact that those actions/resources have on the path of students from Portuguese-Speaking African Countries and to systematize suggestions to enhance their experiences in HE.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Are the self-esteem and the adult attachment affected by previous experiences of youth victimization?

Poster presented at the 4th International Congress of CiiEM – “Health, Well-being and Ageing in the XXI Century.” 2-5 June 2019, Campus Egas Moniz, Monte de Caparica, PortugalN/

Are self-esteem and adult attachment affected by previous experiences of youth victimisation?

Abstract in proceedings of the Fourth International Congress of CiiEM: Health, Well-Being and Ageing in the 21st Century, held at Egas Moniz’ University Campus in Monte de Caparica, Almada, from 3–5 June 2019.This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

COVID-19 and stress on fundamental rights in Portugal: an intermezzo betw een the state of exception and constitutional normality

info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

The Foundations and Traditions of Constitutional Amendment, Hart Publishing, 2017. P. 399.

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Constitutional narcissism on the couch of psychoanalysis: constitutional unamendability in Portugal and Spain

Comparing the Portuguese Constitution, which has the longest unamendable clause in the world, with the silence of the Spanish Constitution regarding the language of eternity is indeed a fascinating exercise. Each state’s quantum of constitutional change seems to be quite different. One can wonder how two neighbouring states that share a heavy history of right-wing dictatorships and transitioned to democracy forty years ago opted for such dissimilar constitutional designs. However, appearances are often misleading, and an effort should be done to unveil this curious mismatch. Both legal orders suffer from what I call constitutional narcissism, which manifests itself through the urge to perpetuate the foundational constitutional moment. Unamendable clauses (Portugal) and quasi-unamendable clauses (Spain) recast one of constitutional theory’s inner paradoxes: Can the constituent power of the people be petrified in one historical constituent decision and constrain future democratic transitions? And what if a volatile contemporary majority seeks to undermine the democratic process and run against the constitutional DNA achievements of the last centuries? Even if the original version of the Portuguese Constitution prohibited several provisions from ever being amended, some of these provisions were indeed modified or removed in the 1989 constitutional amendment process. This occurred without major disagreement from the political organs, scholars, or the judiciary. Therefore, the vexata quaestio remains unanswered: Given their obsolescence or hindrance towards good governance, should entrenchment clauses be eliminated de jure (through a channelled constitutional amendment process, such as the double amendment procedure) or de facto (through a revolutionary process materialized outside of the constitutional framework)?info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

Portugal: the state of liberal democracy

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Between shared and unique constitutional traits: the portuguese constitutional tradition

Ten years after the entry into force of the “identity clause”, densified by the Lisbon Treaty (2009), we should reflect on its exact extent (Article 4, § 2 TEU). The principle of the respect of the national identities of Member States conveys that European political integration cannot annihilate national state’ minimum core of political and constitutional self-determination. My point is that, whatever the scholarly stance adopted, ‘national identity’ should be understood as a cluster-concept that assembles a myriad of identities, such as cultural, linguistic and social identities or political, or economic ones. ‘Constitutional identity’ is a legal concept open to many interpretations. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) endeavored to clarify it, without success. In other situations, the ECJ has plainly avoided the subject, preferring other routes of argumentation. Does ‘constitutional identity’ mean the specific constitutional traits of each state, such as having a written or unwritten constitution, being a republic or a monarchy, the system of government, the protection of a State’s official national language, and the extension of the right’s catalog? Or does it have something to do with the cultural context in which a constitution operates? As a given constitutional identity is fluid, it can never be fully acknowledged in the present time. In some sense, it is always partially revealed, and it can evolve. Since ‘constitutional identity’ captures the “core or fundamental elements or values of a particular member state’s constitutional order” or ‘the individuality or essence of an order”, we wonder: Is ‘constitutional identity’ a constitution inside the constitution and, therefore, immune to change?info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio