The radical left's turn towards civil society in Greece: One strategy, two paths

The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) made remarkable ‘turns towards civil society’ over the last decade. It is argued that this was primarily a response aimed at strengthening their social legitimacy, which had reached its lowest point in the early 1990s. Differences in the way the two parties attempted to stabilise and engage their membership and re-establish links to trade unions and new social movements can be attributed to their distinct ideological and organisational legacies. Despite those differences, their respective linkage strategies were both successful until the game-changing 2012 Greek national elections, which brought about the remarkable rise of SYRIZA and the electoral demise of the KKE

Leiomyosarcoma of the Penis

We report a case of a 78-year-old patient with penile leiomyosarcoma, treated by radical penectomy. Two years after the operation the patient is without evidence of local recurrence or metastatic disease.We also discuss the treatment options and attempt a review of the literature

The party politics of Euroscepticism in times of crisis: the case of Greece

This article traces the trajectory of party Euroscepticism in Greece drawing upon theories of issue competition. It demonstrates that the economic dimension of the multiple crises facing the EU contributed to a Eurosceptic shift in public opinion; the electoral success of Eurosceptic parties; new parties populating the Europhile end of the spectrum; and the formation of a coalition government united not by ideological affinity but by a common Eurosceptic and anti-austerity agenda. Mainstream parties maintained their pro-EU agendas and challenger parties offered both pro- and anti-EU policy options to the electorate. The prospect of power resulted in the progressive softening of Euroscepticism among challenger parties. EU issue salience was relatively high across the party system and remained so during the crisis. Although Greek parties justified their pro- and anti-EU attitudes using a number of frames, economic arguments were prevalent at the height of the crisis, and challenger parties of the left intensified their claims of the EU interfering in national politics. The findings have implications for our understanding of the evolving nature of Euroscepticism and the ways in which it may feature in domestic party politics

'Glocal' disorder: causes, conduct and consequences of the 2008 Greek unrest

This article examines the unrest that emanated in Athens and rolled out across Greek cities in December 2008 as a case through which to advance understanding of how local, national and international arenas may together shape localised episodes of disorder. We begin by addressing the proximate and structural causes of the unrest, before turning to explore the multifarious character of protest actions, including novel and derivative forms of contestation deployed by protestors, and public debate about the appropriate apportioning of blame amongst the variety of actors involved. Finally, we look at the diverse outcomes of the unrest and their impact upon extant socio-political tensions. For each stage of the lifecycle of the unrest, we evaluate the relevance of international actors, practices and discourses. Our analysis of the Greek unrest of 2008 suggests, first, that the array of intersections between global, national and local dimensions of unrest are more diverse than has heretofore been recognised by pertinent scholarship; and second, that international or transnational factors may play a significant role in the emergence, conduct and consequences of disorder even in instances where national and local dynamics remain predominant

The international face of Thessaloniki: the “Greek crisis,” the entrepreneurial mayor, and mainstream media discourses

Thessaloniki and its mayor have been portrayed quite favourably in international mainstream media compared to the Greek state after the 2008 economic crisis. The dominant (media) discourses on Greece interpret the crisis as the result of the failure of the Greek state to reform due to the prevalence of a traditional political culture over a modern one and the moral failures of the population. In the international media representations of Thessaloniki, the local government has been described as “exceptional” in its crisis management compared to the state and other local governments, and the city's mayor, Yiannis Boutaris, has been portrayed as a reform hero, due to the implemented entrepreneurial development strategy and the revamp of the city's image through place branding. Analysing the key role of international media in the production and reproduction of a place-branding campaign of Thessaloniki in international media by employing critical discourse analysis, the paper questions the favourable representations of the city compared to the Greek state during the same period. I argue that the serial repetition of positive images contributed to Thessaloniki being perceived as an example to be followed by other Greek local governments and the central state, acting as a best practice example for transformations envisioned on wider scales. The paper contributes to place-branding debates by illustrating the important role of international media in the dissemination of place brands, and by analysing how media representations of place may serve the legitimation of processes of neoliberalisation on scales wider than the concrete urban setting where they occur

PALAEOSEISMOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION OF THE GYRTONI FAULT (THESSALY, CENTRAL GREECE)

Two paleoseismological trenches were excavated across the Gyrtoni Fault in NE Thessaly and studied in order to understand the recent seismotectonic behavior of this structure. Twenty five fluvial-colluvial sediment and pottery samples from both the upthrown and the downthrown fault blocks were investigated. Optically Stimulated Luminescence (OSL) dating has been applied to date both sedimentary depositspalaeosoils and pottery fragments. Paleoseismological analysis of the two trenches indicates evidence of three surface faulting events in the time span between 1.42 ±0.06 ka and 5.59 ± 0.13 ka. The observed vertical displacement per event of ~0.50 m corresponds to an Mw 6.5 ± 0.1 earthquake. An average fault slip rate of 0.41 ± 0.01 mm/yr and an average recurrence of 1.39 ± 0.14 ka for earthquakes were estimated. The results documented the activity of the fault and since the return period from the most recent event (minimum age 1.42 ± 0.06 ka) has expired, the possibility for reactivation of this active structure in the near future should be included in Seismic Hazard Assessment

Inhibition of 5-lipoxygenase activity in mice during cuprizone-induced demyelination attenuates neuroinflammation, motor dysfunction and axonal damage

Multiple sclerosis (MS) is a chronic inflammatory demyelinating disease of the central nervous system (CNS). Increased expression of 5-lipoxygenase (5-LO), a key enzyme in the biosynthesis of leukotrienes (LTs), has been reported in MS lesions and LT levels are elevated in the cerebrospinal fluid of MS patients. To determine whether pharmacological inhibition of 5-LO attenuates demyelination, MK886, a 5-LO inhibitor, was given to mice fed with cuprizone. Gene and protein expression of 5-LO were increased at the peak of cuprizone-induced demyelination. Although MK886 did not attenuate cuprizone-induced demyelination in the corpus callosum or in the cortex, it attenuated cuprizone-induced axonal damage and motor deficits and reduced microglial activation and IL-6 production. These data suggest that during cuprizone-induced demyelination, the 5-LO pathway contributes to microglial activation and neuroinflammation and to axonal damage resulting in motor dysfunction. Thus, 5-LO inhibition may be a useful therapeutic treatment in demyelinating diseases of the CNS

State-building, war and violence : evidence from Latin America

In European history, war has played a major role in state‐building and the state monopoly on violence. But war is a very specific form of organized political violence, and it is decreasing on a global scale. Other patterns of armed violence now dominate, ones that seem to undermine state‐building, thus preventing the replication of European experiences. As a consequence, the main focus of the current state‐building debate is on fragility and a lack of violence control inside these states. Evidence from Latin American history shows that the specific patterns of the termination of both war and violence are more important than the specific patterns of their organization. Hence these patterns can be conceptualized as a critical juncture for state‐building. While military victories in war, the subordination of competing armed actors and the prosecution of perpetrators are conducive for state‐building, negotiated settlements, coexistence, and impunity produce instability due to competing patterns of authority, legitimacy, and social cohesion