Risks, alternative knowledge strategies and democratic legitimacy: the conflict over co-incineration of hazardous industrial waste in Portugal.

The decision to incinerate hazardous industrial waste in cement plants (the socalled ‘co-incineration’ process) gave rise to one of the most heated environmental conflicts ever to take place in Portugal. The bitterest period was between 1997 and 2002, after the government had made a decision. Strong protests by residents, environmental organizations, opposition parties, and some members of the scientific community forced the government to backtrack and to seek scientific legitimacy for the process through scientific expertise. The experts ratified the government’s decision, stating that the risks involved were socially acceptable. The conflict persisted over a decade and ended up clearing the way for a more sustainable method over which there was broad social consensus – a multifunctional method which makes it possible to treat, recover and regenerate most wastes. Focusing the analysis on this conflict, this paper has three aims: (1) to discuss the implications of the fact that expertise was ‘confiscated’ after the government had committed itself to the decision to implement co-incineration and by way of a reaction to the atmosphere of tension and protest; (2) to analyse the uses of the notions of ‘risk’ and ‘uncertainty’ in scientific reports from both experts and counter-experts’ committees, and their different assumptions about controllability and criteria for considering certain practices to be sufficiently safe for the public; and (3) to show how the existence of different technical scientific and political attitudes (one more closely tied to government and the corporate interests of the cement plants, the other closer to the environmental values of reuse and recycling and respect for the risk perception of residents who challenged the facilities) is closely bound up with problems of democratic legitimacy. This conflict showed how adopting more sustainable and lower-risk policies implies a broader view of democratic legitimacy, one which involves both civic movements and citizens themselves

Class Position of Immigrant Workers in a Post-Industrial Economy: The Dutch Case

In this paper, the issue of changing labour-market opportunities and the position of members of minority groups in advanced service economies is addressed, focusing on the Dutch case. We distinguish between two social hierarchies, one of traditional ‘fordist’ occupations and one of post-fordist occupations. Compared to the native Dutch, all immigrant groups are over-represented at the bottom of the labour market, both in the fordist and in the postindustrial hierarchy. Increased immigrant labour-market participation in the 1990s was accompanied by a strong rise in the number of flexible labour contracts. Native Dutch also work more frequently on flexible labour contracts, but not to the same extent as immigrants. The lower occupational level of the Surinamese, Antilleans and other non-Western immigrants employed in post-industrial occupations can be attributed to their low educational level. This is not true, however, for Turks, Moroccans and other non-Western immigrants employed in fordist occupations. Their low occupational level can not be completely explained by their low educational level. The effects of changes in the economic structure differ for ethnic groups, depending on their past employment, their cultural capital and the institutional framework in which they have to operate

Good for your soul? Adult learning and mental well-being

Although there is a widely held view that adult learning has a positive impact on well-being, only recently has this proposition been systematically tested. The paper reviews recent research findings on the influence of adult learning on earnings and employability, both of which may influence well-being indirectly. These are more important for some groups than others: in economically advanced societies, additional earnings produce limited gains in well-being for most groups except the poorest, while employability is most significant for groups that are most vulnerable in the labour market. The author then reviews recent research findings showing that participating in learning in adult life has some positive direct influence on well-being; analyses of cohort studies suggest that the influence is comparatively small, but nevertheless significant. There has been less study of learning’s negative consequences for well-being, and the paper draws on history data to illustrate some of these less desirable influences. It concludes by identifying areas for further research, and outlining a number of implications for policy and practice. These are particularly important in the current context, where environmental movements appear to be challenging the primacy of economic growth as the overarching goal of policy

From Indymedia to Anonymous: rethinking action and identity in digital cultures

The period following the social mobilizations of 2011 has seen a renewed focus on the place of communication in collective action, linked to the increasing importance of digital communications. Framed in terms of personalized ‘connective action’ or the social morphology of networks, these analyses have criticized previously dominant models of ‘collective identity’, arguing that collective action needs to be understood as ‘digital networking’. These influential approaches have been significantly constructed as a response to models of communication and action evident in the rise of Independent Media Centres in the period following 1999. After considering the rise of the ‘digital networking’ paradigm linked to analyses of Indymedia, this article considers the emergence of the internet-based collaboration known as Anonymous, focusing on its origins on the 4chan manga site and its 2008 campaign against Scientology, and also considers the ‘I am the 99%’ microblog that emerged as part of the Occupy movement. The emergence of Anonymous highlights dimensions of digital culture such as the ephemeral, the importance of memes, an ethic of lulz, the mask and the grotesque. These forms of communication are discussed in the light of dominant attempts to shape digital space in terms of radical transparency, the knowable and the calculable. It is argued that these contrasting approaches may amount to opposing social models of an emerging information society, and that the analysis of contemporary conflicts and mobilizations needs to be alert to novel forms of communicative practice at work in digital cultures today

Bologna process, higher education and a few considerations about the New University

O presente artigo analisa o que se convencionou chamar de Processo de Bolonha, isto é, a produção de uma “política pública de um meta-Estado para um meta-campo universitário”, constituindo-se em uma política educacional supranacional, comum aos estados-membros da União Européia, com vista à construção de um “espaço europeu de educação superior”. O processo político e de reformas institucionais, realizado por cada governo nacional, conduzirá ao estabelecimento efetivo do novo sistema europeu de educação superior até 2010, incluindo atualmente 45 países – todos os da UE e outros 18 países europeus não pertencentes a ela. Nesse sentido, por se tratar de um vastíssimo número de “subsistemas nacionais” e de instituições educativas, atribui-se um grande protagonismo às questões relativas à “garantia de qualidade”. Analisam-se, igualmente, as recentes transformações na educação superior no Brasil, em que o projeto da chamada “Universidade Nova” e o Programa de Apoio a Planos de Reestruturação e Expansão das Universidades Federais (REUNI) constituem-se nas manifestações mais claras do reordenamento desse nível de ensino (seguindo os parâmetros de Bolonha), que já experimentara grandes transformações nos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e teve prosseguimento nos governos de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006; 2007), embora com distintos matizes.This article analyzes what is conventionally known as the Bologna Process, or the making of a “public policy of a meta-State for a University meta-field” that corresponds to a supranational educational policy for all the European Union membership States, with the goal of building a “European higher education space.” The political process and the institutional reforms of each national government intends to establish the new European higher education system until 2010, with 45 countries – the number reflects current developments, including the EU membership States and 18 non-EU countries. Given the high quantity and the myriads of “national subsystems” and educational institutions involved, “quality assurance” becomes a major task in this process. We analyze, in the same way, the recent higher education changes in Brazil, where the so-called “New University” project and the Program of Support for the Restructuring and Expansion of Brazilian Federal Universities (REUNI, in Portuguese) are the clearest expressions of the reshaping of the higher education system (in accordance with the Bologna standards) after the dramatic changes made by Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s government (1995-2002) and continued by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva´s government (2003-2006; 2007), despite some differences between both administrations

Concentration or representation : the struggle for popular sovereignty

There is a tension in the notion of popular sovereignty, and the notion of democracy associated with it, that is both older than our terms for these notions themselves and more fundamental than the apparently consensual way we tend to use them today. After a review of the competing conceptions of 'the people' that underlie two very different understandings of democracy, this article will defend what might be called a 'neo-Jacobin' commitment to popular sovereignty, understood as the formulation and imposition of a shared political will. A people's egalitarian capacity to concentrate both its collective intelligence and force, from this perspective, takes priority over concerns about how best to represent the full variety of positions and interests that differentiate and divide a community