12 research outputs found

    When class relations become embodied : the categorisation and experience of "occupational cancer" in the Lorraine area of France

    No full text
    Le cadre professionnel constitue, aujourd’hui encore, un espace d’engagement des corps parfois dĂ©lĂ©tĂšre, notamment pour les plus prĂ©caires. Cette thĂšse propose d’explorer l’une de ses consĂ©quences, peu visible dans le corps social : le “cancer professionnelËź. EtudiĂ© dans ses versants institutionnel et “profaneËź , ses diffĂ©rentes logiques de catĂ©gorisations sont mobilisĂ©es comme des analyseurs des corps, des corporĂ©itĂ©s et des rapports sociaux de classes. Plusieurs niveaux d’analyse sont ainsi convoquĂ©s : celui, diachronique, de son Ă©laboration et de ses ajustements et ceux, synchroniques, des malades soupçonnĂ©s, Ă  un moment donnĂ©, d’ĂȘtre atteints d’un cancer d’origine professionnelle, de leur entourage (conjoint.e et plus largement rĂ©seaux relationnels territoriaux Ă  travers lesquels les malades constituent des savoirs concernant les sites exposant Ă  des substances cancĂ©rogĂšnes), des associations et des syndicats, des agents administratifs et enfin des mĂ©decins. Le travail mĂ©thodologique repose sur des entretiens avec des malades et/ou leurs ayants-droit, des agents administratifs, des mĂ©decins, des acteurs associatifs et syndicaux ainsi que des observations de consultations, de sĂ©ances du comitĂ© rĂ©gional de reconnaissance des maladies professionnelles et de permanences associatives. Cette thĂšse s’inscrit dans la sociologie des cancers professionnels dĂ©jĂ  ouverte par les travaux pionniers d’Annie ThĂ©baud-Mony dĂšs les annĂ©es 1990 (ThĂ©baud-Mony, 1991, 2003, 2006, etc.), complĂ©tĂ©s notamment par les travaux menĂ©s par les chercheur.se.s associĂ©.e.s au GISCOP93 (Marchand, 2016 et 2018 ; Paiva, 2016, etc.) en mĂȘme temps qu’elle contribue Ă  la sociologie des « corps ouvriers ». S'agissant du premier champ, elle montre comment la catĂ©gorie se reconfigure Ă  mesure de la traversĂ©e des espaces mĂ©dicaux, administratifs, militants et domestiques. Des jeux sur ses bornes se dĂ©ploient dans ces espaces qui passent notamment par une revendication victimaire ainsi que par une individualisation du risque cancĂ©rogĂšne et du vĂ©cu de la maladie, menant l’(ex) travailleur Ă  subir une triple injonction Ă  ĂȘtre Ă  la fois un bon ouvrier, un bon malade et une bonne victime. S'agissant du second champ, elle montre comment le travail passe les frontiĂšres de la peau des ouvriers selon des modalitĂ©s particuliĂšres. Les ouvriers enquĂȘtĂ©s semblent rĂ©sister Ă  l'engagement de l'entiĂšretĂ© de leur corps au travail mais l'expĂ©rience de la maladie ne s'inscrit pas dans une grammaire de classes nette. Ainsi, si le collectif ouvrier peut parfois faire ressource, il peine Ă  faire sens dans une expĂ©rience qui s'individualise Ă  mesure que la relation salariale se transforme et que la rhĂ©torique de classes perd de son audience. Pour autant, c’est parfois la catĂ©gorie, souvent saisie par le biais des mĂ©decins et des corps, qui va (r)Ă©veiller l’identification Ă  une condition prĂ©caire, suggĂ©rant une imbrication complexe des rapports sociaux de domination autour de cet objet.The professional setting still constitutes a space in which bodily engagement may have deleterious effects. This is particularly true for the most precarious workers. This thesis proposes to explore one of its consequences, that of occupational cancer. Occupational cancer socially relatively invisible socially, we will study its repercussions both on an institutional and on a profane level. The different logics which underlie the categorization are mobilized to found an analysis of the workers’ bodies, their bodily practice and the class relations in which they are engaged. Several levels of analysis are mobilized: a diachronic analysis of the category and the way in which it is elaborated and evolves and a synchronic analysis of the patients suspected, at a given moment, to be suffering from an occupational cancer. This latter also involves; the patient’s entourage (spouse and more broadly the territorial relational networks by which the patients obtain knowledge about the sites on which workers are exposed to toxic substances), associations and trade unions, administrative agents and doctors. My methodology is based on interviews with patients and/or their beneficiaries, administrative agents, doctors, and members of associations and trade-unions. I have also observed medical consultations, meetings of regional decisional bodies for the diagnosis of occupational illness and the open office hours and consultations of associations devoted to the recognition of occupational illness.This thesis is a contribution to the sociology of occupational cancers opened by the pioneering work of Annie ThĂ©baud-Mony during the 1990s (ThĂ©baud-Mony, 1991, 2003, 2006, etc.), and developed by researchers at the GISCOP93 laboratory (in particular: Anne Marchand, 2016 and 2018, Michelle Paiva, 2016, etc.) At the same time it is a contribution to the sociology of "blue-collar workers' bodies". Regarding the first field, I show how the category is reconfigured as it passes through medical, administrative, militant and domestic spaces. Its boundaries are played out in these spaces via the steps in the process of recognition, which include the victim’s claim, an individualization of the carcinogenic risk and the experience of illness. The (ex) worker comes to suffer from a triple injunction to be at once a good worker, a good patient and a good victim. In so far as the second field is concerned, I show how the work passes the boundaries of worker’s skin in a particular manner. The workers studied seem to resist committing their entire body to their work and its sequels, though the experience of illness cannot be seen to enter into a distinct class-inspired grammar. Thus, if the workers' collectives can sometimes serve as a resource, they have difficulty making sense of an experience that becomes individualized as work relationships are transformed and class rhetoric loses its public. However, it is sometimes the category, often operationalized by doctors and the workers’ bodies, that awakens identification to a precarious condition, suggesting a complex interweaving of power relationships with relation to this object

    Quand les rapports sociaux de classes prennent corps : catégorisations et expériences des « cancers du travail » en Lorraine

    No full text
    The professional setting still constitutes a space in which bodily engagement may have deleterious effects. This is particularly true for the most precarious workers. This thesis proposes to explore one of its consequences, that of occupational cancer. Occupational cancer socially relatively invisible socially, we will study its repercussions both on an institutional and on a profane level. The different logics which underlie the categorization are mobilized to found an analysis of the workers’ bodies, their bodily practice and the class relations in which they are engaged. Several levels of analysis are mobilized: a diachronic analysis of the category and the way in which it is elaborated and evolves and a synchronic analysis of the patients suspected, at a given moment, to be suffering from an occupational cancer. This latter also involves; the patient’s entourage (spouse and more broadly the territorial relational networks by which the patients obtain knowledge about the sites on which workers are exposed to toxic substances), associations and trade unions, administrative agents and doctors. My methodology is based on interviews with patients and/or their beneficiaries, administrative agents, doctors, and members of associations and trade-unions. I have also observed medical consultations, meetings of regional decisional bodies for the diagnosis of occupational illness and the open office hours and consultations of associations devoted to the recognition of occupational illness.This thesis is a contribution to the sociology of occupational cancers opened by the pioneering work of Annie ThĂ©baud-Mony during the 1990s (ThĂ©baud-Mony, 1991, 2003, 2006, etc.), and developed by researchers at the GISCOP93 laboratory (in particular: Anne Marchand, 2016 and 2018, Michelle Paiva, 2016, etc.) At the same time it is a contribution to the sociology of "blue-collar workers' bodies". Regarding the first field, I show how the category is reconfigured as it passes through medical, administrative, militant and domestic spaces. Its boundaries are played out in these spaces via the steps in the process of recognition, which include the victim’s claim, an individualization of the carcinogenic risk and the experience of illness. The (ex) worker comes to suffer from a triple injunction to be at once a good worker, a good patient and a good victim. In so far as the second field is concerned, I show how the work passes the boundaries of worker’s skin in a particular manner. The workers studied seem to resist committing their entire body to their work and its sequels, though the experience of illness cannot be seen to enter into a distinct class-inspired grammar. Thus, if the workers' collectives can sometimes serve as a resource, they have difficulty making sense of an experience that becomes individualized as work relationships are transformed and class rhetoric loses its public. However, it is sometimes the category, often operationalized by doctors and the workers’ bodies, that awakens identification to a precarious condition, suggesting a complex interweaving of power relationships with relation to this object.Le cadre professionnel constitue, aujourd’hui encore, un espace d’engagement des corps parfois dĂ©lĂ©tĂšre, notamment pour les plus prĂ©caires. Cette thĂšse propose d’explorer l’une de ses consĂ©quences, peu visible dans le corps social : le “cancer professionnelËź. EtudiĂ© dans ses versants institutionnel et “profaneËź , ses diffĂ©rentes logiques de catĂ©gorisations sont mobilisĂ©es comme des analyseurs des corps, des corporĂ©itĂ©s et des rapports sociaux de classes. Plusieurs niveaux d’analyse sont ainsi convoquĂ©s : celui, diachronique, de son Ă©laboration et de ses ajustements et ceux, synchroniques, des malades soupçonnĂ©s, Ă  un moment donnĂ©, d’ĂȘtre atteints d’un cancer d’origine professionnelle, de leur entourage (conjoint.e et plus largement rĂ©seaux relationnels territoriaux Ă  travers lesquels les malades constituent des savoirs concernant les sites exposant Ă  des substances cancĂ©rogĂšnes), des associations et des syndicats, des agents administratifs et enfin des mĂ©decins. Le travail mĂ©thodologique repose sur des entretiens avec des malades et/ou leurs ayants-droit, des agents administratifs, des mĂ©decins, des acteurs associatifs et syndicaux ainsi que des observations de consultations, de sĂ©ances du comitĂ© rĂ©gional de reconnaissance des maladies professionnelles et de permanences associatives. Cette thĂšse s’inscrit dans la sociologie des cancers professionnels dĂ©jĂ  ouverte par les travaux pionniers d’Annie ThĂ©baud-Mony dĂšs les annĂ©es 1990 (ThĂ©baud-Mony, 1991, 2003, 2006, etc.), complĂ©tĂ©s notamment par les travaux menĂ©s par les chercheur.se.s associĂ©.e.s au GISCOP93 (Marchand, 2016 et 2018 ; Paiva, 2016, etc.) en mĂȘme temps qu’elle contribue Ă  la sociologie des « corps ouvriers ». S'agissant du premier champ, elle montre comment la catĂ©gorie se reconfigure Ă  mesure de la traversĂ©e des espaces mĂ©dicaux, administratifs, militants et domestiques. Des jeux sur ses bornes se dĂ©ploient dans ces espaces qui passent notamment par une revendication victimaire ainsi que par une individualisation du risque cancĂ©rogĂšne et du vĂ©cu de la maladie, menant l’(ex) travailleur Ă  subir une triple injonction Ă  ĂȘtre Ă  la fois un bon ouvrier, un bon malade et une bonne victime. S'agissant du second champ, elle montre comment le travail passe les frontiĂšres de la peau des ouvriers selon des modalitĂ©s particuliĂšres. Les ouvriers enquĂȘtĂ©s semblent rĂ©sister Ă  l'engagement de l'entiĂšretĂ© de leur corps au travail mais l'expĂ©rience de la maladie ne s'inscrit pas dans une grammaire de classes nette. Ainsi, si le collectif ouvrier peut parfois faire ressource, il peine Ă  faire sens dans une expĂ©rience qui s'individualise Ă  mesure que la relation salariale se transforme et que la rhĂ©torique de classes perd de son audience. Pour autant, c’est parfois la catĂ©gorie, souvent saisie par le biais des mĂ©decins et des corps, qui va (r)Ă©veiller l’identification Ă  une condition prĂ©caire, suggĂ©rant une imbrication complexe des rapports sociaux de domination autour de cet objet

    CĂĄnceres profesionales: el cuerpo devaluado del trabajador

    No full text
    International audienceNearly two-thirds of employees exposed to carcinogenic substances at work are blue-collar workers. Every year in France, thousands of employees - between 14,000 and 30,000, according to the latest French cancer survey - contract an occupational cancer. Most die. The article describes the results of a field study conducted in Lorraine and Seine-Saint-Denis, two of France’s oldest industrial regions. Employees and ex-employees suffering from work-related cancer were interviewed, along with their families, in order to understand the evaluation, categorisation and assessment processes that they faced from a political and financial perspective. In terms of the reparations they were offered, it becomes clear that workers’ well-being is not a neutral subject. Quite the contrary, their ill health bears witness to (and proves) the unhealthy situations to which they were exposed on the job. That being the case, health can be construed here a medical object capable of being apprehended through social filters – a reflection of domination relationships, hence a rationalised construct subject to fractal monetisation.Parmi les salariĂ©s exposĂ©s aux substances cancĂ©rogĂšnes dans le cadre de leur travail, prĂšs des deux tiers sont des ouvriers. Chaque annĂ©e, plusieurs milliers de ces travailleurs – de 14 000 Ă  30 000 personnes selon le dernier plan cancer – contractent un cancer en lien avec leur parcours professionnel, dont la plupart dĂ©cĂšdent. À l’appui d’enquĂȘtes de terrain menĂ©es dans deux territoires longtemps industriels (Lorraine et Seine-Saint-Denis), auprĂšs de salariĂ©s et d’anciens salariĂ©s atteints de cancer d’origine professionnelle et leurs proches, cet article s’intĂ©resse aux processus d’évaluation, de catĂ©gorisation et de jugements portĂ©s sur ces corps ouvriers, malades du travail, ainsi situĂ©s au cƓur d’enjeux politiques et financiers. Dans l’espace de la rĂ©paration de ces maux du travail, le corps ouvrier n’est pas un « corps neutre », il est Ă  la fois un « tĂ©moin Ă  charge », une « preuve » de situations exposantes dans l’espace productif, un objet mĂ©dical lu Ă  travers des filtres sociaux, reflet de rapports de domination et enfin, un construit rationalisĂ©, monĂ©tarisĂ© par fragment

    La « micro-sieste » Ă  l’épreuve de la nuit

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    Cet article rend compte des singularitĂ©s du travail nocturne et de ses temporalitĂ©s via le suivi d’un projet de « micro-sieste » au sein d’un service hospitalier, dans une visĂ©e d’amĂ©lioration des conditions de rĂ©cupĂ©ration des professionnels de jour comme de nuit. Il s’appuie sur une Ă©tude de cas dans un service de soins fonctionnant en 12 heures, mĂȘlant observations (de nuit et de jour) et entretiens formels et informels. Si les professionnels de jour sont peu nombreux Ă  pratiquer la « micro-sieste » telle qu’elle est proposĂ©e, c’est notamment en raison de la difficultĂ© Ă  prendre un temps de pause du fait des exigences et de la densitĂ© du travail, a fortiori en s’absentant du service. De nuit, c’est bien plutĂŽt le risque qu’elle empiĂšte sur les temps disponibles pour le collectif (entraide et socialisation) qui la freine. L’article montre comment les temporalitĂ©s du nocturne, les pratiques de repos, les apprentissages et les valeurs qui y sont associĂ©s, engagent et entretiennent le collectif.This article looks at the unique characteristics and timeframes of night shift work, via the study of a “short-nap” project that aims to improve rest and recovery conditions for both day and night-shift healthcare workers. It is based on a case study of a hospital service organized around 12-hour shifts, combining ethnographic observations (during the day and at night), with formal and informal interviews. Few day-time health-care professionals take the recommended “short-nap”, due to the heavy demands and workload, making it difficult to take a break, especially away from the ward. At night-time, taking a “short nap” is hampered by the potential interference with the time available for collective support and socialization. The article demonstrates how the specific characteristics of night shift work, rest practices, training and its’ associated values, engage and sustain occupational collectives.Este artĂ­culo da cuenta de las singularidades del trabajo nocturno y sus temporalidades a travĂ©s del seguimiento de un proyecto de “microsiesta” instaurado en un servicio hospitalario con el objetivo de mejorar las condiciones de recuperaciĂłn de los profesionales diurnos y nocturnos. Nuestra contribuciĂłn se basa en un estudio de caso que combina observaciones (diurnas y nocturnas) y entrevistas formales e informales alrededor de un servicio organizado en turnos de 12 horas. Pocos profesionales diurnos practican la “microsiesta” propuesta, principalmente por la dificultad de tomarse un descanso debido a las exigencias y a la densidad de su trabajo, sobre todo si se trata de dejar los espacios habituales del servicio. Por la noche, el riesgo de que la siesta invada el tiempo disponible para el colectivo (ayuda mutua y socializaciĂłn) la vuelve mĂĄs bien un freno. Este artĂ­culo muestra cĂłmo la temporalidad del trabajo nocturno, las prĂĄcticas de descanso y los aprendizajes y valores asociados a ellas, mantienen la unidad y el compromiso mutuo del colectivo laboral

    Les masques de la reconnaissance : Le travail d’intervenante à domicile durant la crise sanitaire de la COVID-19

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    La crise sanitaire de la COVID-19 a mis en tension les registres de la reconnaissance au travail en (rĂ©)interrogeant ses diffĂ©rents aspects (symboliques, matĂ©riels ou encore rĂ©glementaires) et leurs articulations. Cet article propose de mettre en perspective des enjeux relatifs Ă  la continuitĂ© de l’activitĂ© en temps de pandĂ©mie pour une catĂ©gorie professionnelle socialement dĂ©valorisĂ©e avec le processus de formalisation des situations ouvrant droit Ă  une reconnaissance en maladie professionnelle. Sur la base de plusieurs recherches qualitatives, dont une menĂ©e de façon longitudinale, il montre comment ces diffĂ©rents enjeux se sont trouvĂ©s cristallisĂ©s chez des intervenantes du secteur marchand de l’aide Ă  domicile. Le contexte de pĂ©nurie d’équipements de protection rencontrĂ© au dĂ©but de la crise, en particulier des masques, a accentuĂ© les problĂ©matiques qui se posaient alors sur le plan de l’organisation de la prĂ©vention des affections du travail. ParallĂšlement, le registre martial largement dĂ©ployĂ© politiquement interrogeait la reconnaissance des « soldats » et les cadres institutionnels par lesquels elle allait ĂȘtre formalisĂ©e. Les revendications en ce sens ont diffĂ©rĂ© selon les acteurs considĂ©rĂ©s, reprenant pour certaines les critiques adressĂ©es de longue date au systĂšme de reconnaissance des maux du travail.The COVID-19 health crisis has put the registers of recognition at work in tension by (re)questioning its different aspects (symbolic, material or regulatory) and their articulation. This article proposes to put into perspective the issues relating to the continuity of activity in times of pandemic for a socially devalued professional category and the process of formalising situations giving rise to recognition as an occupational disease. On the basis of several qualitative studies, one of which was conducted longitudinally, it shows how these different issues were crystallised among workers in the commercial home care aides. The shortage of protective equipment at the beginning of the crisis, in particular masks, accentuated the problems that arose in terms of organising the prevention of work-related illnesses. At the same time, the martial register, which was widely deployed politically, raised questions about the recognition of “soldiers” and the institutional frameworks through which it would be formalised. The demands in this respect differed according to the actors considered, some of them taking up the criticisms that had long been levelled at the system of recognition of work-related illnesses

    Reconfiguration of the boundaries of occupational risk prevention observed during the COVID-19 pandemic: the case of personal protective equipment and collective protection in France

    No full text
    International audienceDuring the COVID-19 pandemic, national risk management scenarios took an unexpectedcourse at different individual and collective scales. In France, in the field ofoccupational risk, long-established practices, rules, and categories have been disturbedand placed ‘under stress’. The field of prevention of occupational risk,which has constituted a distinct field in health policies, with its own bodies, missionsand approaches, was similarly disturbed. To describe and analyse these social phenomena,we propose using two complementary concepts: the British ‘risk work’ andthe French ‘prevention work’ [‘travail de prĂ©vention’]. We show some of the empiricalmanifestations of risk work associated with prevention work and their effects onthe boundaries instituted in the field of prevention at work. Our investigation useddata from documentation and interviews in order to explore the experiences of twocategories of professionals – physicians specialising in occupational health and homecare aides – concerned with prevention during an acute phase of the pandemic. Wepoint out that the question of protective means and equipment has been a centralissue, in a context characterised by tensions between knowledge and availablematerial resources. We also show that contradictions and points of tension betweenactors reveal the subjects under discussion and the more or less porous nature of theboundaries. Amid these processes, however, the principles underlying occupationalhealth were reaffirmed, along with the need for a cooperation between workers andprevention professionals

    Reconfiguration of the boundaries of occupational risk prevention observed during the COVID-19 pandemic: the case of personal protective equipment and collective protection in France

    No full text
    International audienceDuring the COVID-19 pandemic, national risk management scenarios took an unexpectedcourse at different individual and collective scales. In France, in the field ofoccupational risk, long-established practices, rules, and categories have been disturbedand placed ‘under stress’. The field of prevention of occupational risk,which has constituted a distinct field in health policies, with its own bodies, missionsand approaches, was similarly disturbed. To describe and analyse these social phenomena,we propose using two complementary concepts: the British ‘risk work’ andthe French ‘prevention work’ [‘travail de prĂ©vention’]. We show some of the empiricalmanifestations of risk work associated with prevention work and their effects onthe boundaries instituted in the field of prevention at work. Our investigation useddata from documentation and interviews in order to explore the experiences of twocategories of professionals – physicians specialising in occupational health and homecare aides – concerned with prevention during an acute phase of the pandemic. Wepoint out that the question of protective means and equipment has been a centralissue, in a context characterised by tensions between knowledge and availablematerial resources. We also show that contradictions and points of tension betweenactors reveal the subjects under discussion and the more or less porous nature of theboundaries. Amid these processes, however, the principles underlying occupationalhealth were reaffirmed, along with the need for a cooperation between workers andprevention professionals

    Prévenir les risques au travail face à la Covid-19.: Les masques comme moyens de protection individuelle et collective

    No full text
    International audienceThe Covid-19 epidemic and its managementhave disrupted occupational risk preventionpractices and disturbed long-establishedrules and categories established to protect thehealth of professionals. The article presents theresults of an investigation based on documentsand interviews with occupational healthprofessionals and frontline workers (home careaides) concerned with the use of face masks.By combining the concepts of preventionwork and risk work, the analysis accounts forthe interweaving of micro and macro socialdimensions of risk management and revealsforms of hybridization of individual andcollective protective equipment.L'Ă©pidĂ©mie de Covid-19 et sa gestion ontbouleversĂ© les pratiques de prĂ©vention desrisques professionnels, jusqu’à troublerdes rĂšgles et catĂ©gories instituĂ©es pourprotĂ©ger la santĂ© des salariĂ©s. L’articleprĂ©sente les rĂ©sultats d’une enquĂȘte basĂ©esur des documents et des entretiens avecdes professionnels de la santĂ© au travailet des travailleurs de premiĂšre ligne(aides Ă  domicile) concernĂ©s par l’usagedes masques faciaux. En combinant lesconcepts de travail de prĂ©vention et detravail du risque, l’analyse rend comptede l’imbrication des dimensions microet macrosociales de gestion des risqueset rĂ©vĂšle des formes d’hybridationd’équipements de protection individuelleet collective
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