Pozycja i znaczenie partii wywodzących się z systemu niedemokratycznego na scenie partyjnej w Polsce, Czechach, Słowacji i na Węgrzech po 1989 r.

Political parties rooted in a non-democratic system have become a significant element of party systems in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, where they have taken an active part in the transformation process. The paper assesses the significance of these types of groupings for the construction of a new democratic system by means of a comparison of four members of the Vysehrad Group. The ideological profiles of these parties and their position in the party arena are defined. Finally, an attempt is made to answer the question of how these groupings have adapted to the new democratic system, why some of them continue to play a crucial role in politics even today, while others are found somewhere on the outskirts of political life. The author’s interests focus on the successors of those groupings that held full power before 1989: the Democratic Left Alliance in Poland, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic, the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia, and the Hungarian Socialist Party. The example of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is of particular interest here as this is the only party that has not fundamentally changed its ideological profile and continues in isolation from other Czech groupings. At the same time, for twenty years, this same party has come third in the national elections, and even second in the European elections.Political parties rooted in a non-democratic system have become a significant element of party systems in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary, where they have taken an active part in the transformation process. The paper assesses the significance of these types of groupings for the construction of a new democratic system by means of a comparison of four members of the Vysehrad Group. The ideological profiles of these parties and their position in the party arena are defined. Finally, an attempt is made to answer the question of how these groupings have adapted to the new democratic system, why some of them continue to play a crucial role in politics even today, while others are found somewhere on the outskirts of political life. The author’s interests focus on the successors of those groupings that held full power before 1989: the Democratic Left Alliance in Poland, the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia in the Czech Republic, the Party of the Democratic Left in Slovakia, and the Hungarian Socialist Party. The example of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia is of particular interest here as this is the only party that has not fundamentally changed its ideological profile and continues in isolation from other Czech groupings. At the same time, for twenty years, this same party has come third in the national elections, and even second in the European elections

Realizacja programu reprywatyzacji w Polscew latach 1989–2001 (aspekt polityczny i ideologiczny)

Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka’s government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People’s Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS’s collapse. After Poland’s accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies.Reprivatization is one of the problems Polish politicians have failed to solve for 15 years. They developed nearly a score of drafts of reprivatization acts, none of which has been implemented. Election campaigns and government changes most frequently obstructed them. This happened to the draft developed by Hanna Suchocka’s government, later withheld by the next government of Waldemar Pawlak and the coalition of SLD-PSL (Democratic Left Alliance – Polish People’s Party). The coalition AWS-UW (Solidarity Election Action – Freedom Union) was very likely to launch reprivatization. Although it had the required majority in the Parliament, the political disputes inside the Solidarity Election Action prevented reprivatization. For the Solidarity Election Action with Marian Krzaklewski, general endowment was to ensure the victory to the party and himself in the next parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. As a result of the internal disputes, the reprivatization act was vetoed by President Kwaśniewski and the elections marked the AWS’s collapse. After Poland’s accession to the European Union former property owners have increasingly been demanding to restore the seized property, yet the issue does not seem likely to be solved soon and the very idea of reprivatization dissolves in political and ideological controversies

Odrodzenie obywatela w Polsce i NRD szesnaście lat po rozpoczęciu transformacji systemowej

In the Author’s opinion, if the development of civic society is to be measured in terms of participation in political life and involvement in non-government organizations East Germans seem to have adapted to the new reality better than Poles. However, if we take into consideration the potential of both nations Poles still stand a chance to build an efficient, and, first of all, their own, modern society. The advantage of having retained their own country, although so often criticized by Poles, may turn out to be fundamental. East Germans could not enjoy this privilege.In the Author’s opinion, if the development of civic society is to be measured in terms of participation in political life and involvement in non-government organizations East Germans seem to have adapted to the new reality better than Poles. However, if we take into consideration the potential of both nations Poles still stand a chance to build an efficient, and, first of all, their own, modern society. The advantage of having retained their own country, although so often criticized by Poles, may turn out to be fundamental. East Germans could not enjoy this privilege

Masowa prywatyzacja w Polsce jako jeden z elementów budowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego

Privatization was and has remained one of the most important elements of the transformations that have taken place in all countries with a centralized economy. Alexander Solzhenitsyn observed that “it is impossible to create a state governed by laws without first having an independent citizen ... But there can be no independent citizen without private property”. Consequently, it is the rapid privatization that directly influences the process of building civic society in post-communist countries. Krzysztof Murawski claims that the reason for that is that there is a direct relationship between freedom and property. Property is closely related to freedom as it provides citizens with the feeling of independence from the state and allows them to gather the results of their work as renewable goods that can be freely managed and multiplied for one’s own individual as well as the social good. It can be assumed that the development of private property produces two advantageous social results: the efficiency of business activity increases as does the realm of responsible political freedom.Privatization was and has remained one of the most important elements of the transformations that have taken place in all countries with a centralized economy. Alexander Solzhenitsyn observed that “it is impossible to create a state governed by laws without first having an independent citizen ... But there can be no independent citizen without private property”. Consequently, it is the rapid privatization that directly influences the process of building civic society in post-communist countries. Krzysztof Murawski claims that the reason for that is that there is a direct relationship between freedom and property. Property is closely related to freedom as it provides citizens with the feeling of independence from the state and allows them to gather the results of their work as renewable goods that can be freely managed and multiplied for one’s own individual as well as the social good. It can be assumed that the development of private property produces two advantageous social results: the efficiency of business activity increases as does the realm of responsible political freedom

Realizacja programu reprywatyzacji w Republice Czeskiej i na Węgrzech po roku 1989

The paper discusses Czech and Hungarian ideas concerning the implementation of the reprivatization program, which are compared with Polish reprivatization programs in the conclusion. In all these countries more or less successful attempts have been undertaken to solve the problem of returning property to former owners. Similar problems have been encountered everywhere, and it has been practically impossble to return to the original status quo. In each country a majority of large industrial plants have expanded. Ater the war numerous state investments carried out which have completely altered these businesses. At the same time, apartments which became state property at some time were being sold on a great scale.The paper discusses Czech and Hungarian ideas concerning the implementation of the reprivatization program, which are compared with Polish reprivatization programs in the conclusion. In all these countries more or less successful attempts have been undertaken to solve the problem of returning property to former owners. Similar problems have been encountered everywhere, and it has been practically impossble to return to the original status quo. In each country a majority of large industrial plants have expanded. Ater the war numerous state investments carried out which have completely altered these businesses. At the same time, apartments which became state property at some time were being sold on a great scale

Quantification of Biodiversity Related to the Active Protection of Grassland Habitats in the Eastern Lublin Region of Poland Based on the Activity of Soil Enzymes

This study focused on the impact of extensive sheep grazing on soil enzymatic activity in the grassland habitats of the Eastern Lublin region of Poland, situated within the ecological Natura 2000 network of: Kąty (PLH060010), Stawska Góra (PLH060018), and Zachodniowołyńska Dolina Bugu (PLH060035). This study involved soils under sheep grazing and soils in uncultivated areas (wasteland). Two-year study was conducted in 2 periods of each year: spring (before the start of sheep grazing) and autumn (after grazing). Beneficial effects were found for extensive grazing by sheep on soil enzymatic activity within each tested habitat. It is worth underlining that a clear stimulation of enzyme activity was detected already in the first year of observation. In the second year, the enzyme activity in the soils of habitats under sheep grazing was approximately 1.5 times higher than in the soils without grazing. The observed higher activity of the tested enzymes in soils under sheep grazing indicated the usefulness of studies on the enzymatic activity of soils as a sensitive indicator of soil response, such as observed here with the applied active system of biodiversity protection in the valuable natural grassland habitats of Natura 2000

Sheep and Horse Grazing in a Large-Scale Protection Area and its Positive Impact on Chemical and Biological Soil Properties

This paper looks into the impact of free grazing by sheep and horses on the chemical and biological properties of soils in the partial protection zone of the Roztocze National Park. The study sampled three different types of pastureland in the area: pastures for sheep, horses and for combined grazing by sheep and horses. Compared to an ungrazed reference pasture, free grazing significantly stimulated the activity of enzymes which catalyze the transformation of organic matter (dehydrogenases, phosphatases and ureases) and it also positively influenced other chemical properties of the soils. Among the soils under free-grazing management, the pasture grazed to horses underwent the most advantageous changes in terms of the eco-chemical status of the soil

Enzymatic Activity and Content of Polycyclic Aromatic Hydrocarbons (PAHs) in Soils under Low-Stack Emission in Lublin

Soils from the Lublin area exposed to low-stack emission from home heating and transport were investigated. Changes in soil enzymatic activity and polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) content were analysed. Soil samples were collected in July and November 2016 and January 2017. Results of the study show that enzymatic activity and PAHs content depended on types of buildings, study period (intensification of pollutant emission from household heating), traffic volume and atmospheric air movement. Low enzymatic activities and high PAHs contents in the soils were observed in the autumn-winter period in the areas with dense single-family housing and located in the vicinity of streets with intense road traffic

Next-generation sequencing of bile cell-free DNA for the early detection of patients with malignant biliary strictures

Objective: despite significant progresses in imaging and pathological evaluation, early differentiation between benign and malignant biliary strictures remains challenging. Endoscopic retrograde cholangiopancreatography (ERCP) is used to investigate biliary strictures, enabling the collection of bile. We tested the diagnostic potential of next-generation sequencing (NGS) mutational analysis of bile cell-free DNA (cfDNA). Design: a prospective cohort of patients with suspicious biliary strictures (n=68) was studied. The performance of initial pathological diagnosis was compared with that of the mutational analysis of bile cfDNA collected at the time of first ERCP using an NGS panel open to clinical laboratory implementation, the Oncomine Pan-Cancer Cell-Free assay. Results: an initial pathological diagnosis classified these strictures as of benign (n=26), indeterminate (n=9) or malignant (n=33) origin. Sensitivity and specificity of this diagnosis were 60% and 100%, respectively, as on follow-up 14 of the 26 and eight of the nine initially benign or indeterminate strictures resulted malignant. Sensitivity and specificity for malignancy of our NGS assay, herein named Bilemut, were 96.4% and 69.2%, respectively. Importantly, one of the four Bilemut false positives developed pancreatic cancer after extended follow-up. Remarkably, the sensitivity for malignancy of Bilemut was 100% in patients with an initial diagnosis of benign or indeterminate strictures. Analysis of 30 paired bile and tissue samples also demonstrated the superior performance of Bilemut. Conclusion: implementation of Bilemut at the initial diagnostic stage for biliary strictures can significantly improve detection of malignancy, reduce delays in the clinical management of patients and assist in selecting patients for targeted therapies.Funding: we thank the financial support of CIBERehd; grants PI16/01126 and PI19/00163 from Instituto de Salud Carlos III (ISCIII) cofinanced by ’Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional’ (FEDER) ’Una manera de hacer Europa’; grants 58/2017 and 55/2018 from Gobierno de Navarra Salud; grant 0011-1411-2020-000010 from AGATA Strategic Project from Gobierno de Navarra; grant 2020/101 from Euroregion Nouvelle Aquitaine-Euskadi-Navarra; Fundación Eugenio Rodríguez Pascual; Fundación Mario Losantos, Fundación M Torres; grant 2018/117 from AMMF, the Cholangiocarcinoma Charity; the COST Action CA181122 Euro-cholangio-Net; POSTD18014AREC postdoctoral fellowship from AECC to MA; and Ramón y Cajal Program contracts RYC-2014-15242 and RYC-2018-024475-1 to FJC and MGFB

The Implementation of the Reprivatization Program in the Czech Republic and Hungary following 1989

The paper discusses Czech and Hungarian ideas concerning the implementation of the reprivatization program, which are compared with Polish reprivatization programs in the conclusion. In all these countries more or less successful attempts have been undertaken to solve the problem of returning property to former owners. Similar problems have been encountered everywhere, and it has been practically impossble to return to the original status quo. In each country a majority of large industrial plants have expanded. Ater the war numerous state investments carried out which have completely altered these businesses. At the same time, apartments which became state property at some time were being sold on a great scale