The Ideological Mapping of American Legislatures

The development and elaboration of the spatial theory of voting has contributed greatly to the study of legislative decision making and elections. Statistical models that estimate the spatial locations of individual legislators have been a key contributor to this success (Poole and Rosenthal 1997; Clinton, Jackman and Rivers 2004). In addition to applications to the U.S. Congress, spatial models have been estimated for the Supreme Court, U.S. presidents, a large number of non-U.S. legislatures, and supra- national organizations. But, unfortunately, a potentially fruitful laboratory for testing spatial theories of policymaking and elections, the American states, has remained relatively unexploited. Two problems have limited the empirical application of spatial theory to the states. The first is that state legislative roll call data has not yet been systematically collected for all states over time. Second, because ideal point models are based on latent scales, comparisons of ideal points across states or chambers within a state are difficult. This paper reports substantial progress on both fronts. First, we have obtained the roll call voting data for all state legislatures from the mid-1990s onward. Second, we exploit a recurring survey of state legislative candidates to enable comparisons across time, chambers, and states as well as with the U.S. Congress. The resulting mapping of America's state legislatures has tremendous potential to address numerous questions not only about state politics and policymaking, but legislative politics in general.

Inequality, identity, and partisanship : how redistribution can stem the tide of mass polarization

The form of political polarization where citizens develop strongly negative attitudes toward out-party members and policies has become increasingly prominent across many democracies. Economic hardship and social inequality, as well as intergroup and racial conflict, have been identified as important contributing factors to this phenomenon known as “affective polarization.” Research shows that partisan animosities are exacerbated when these interests and identities become aligned with existing party cleavages. In this paper, we use a model of cultural evolution to study how these forces combine to generate and maintain affective political polarization. We show that economic events can drive both affective polarization and the sorting of group identities along party lines, which, in turn, can magnify the effects of underlying inequality between those groups. But, on a more optimistic note, we show that sufficiently high levels of wealth redistribution through the provision of public goods can counteract this feedback and limit the rise of polarization. We test some of our key theoretical predictions using survey data on intergroup polarization, sorting of racial groups, and affective polarization in the United States over the past 50 y.PostprintPeer reviewe

Phenotypic characterization of breast cancer: the role of CDC42

Purpose: The molecular landscape of breast cancer (BC), especially of the Luminal A subtype, remains to be fully delineated. Transcriptomic data shows that Luminal A tumours are enriched for aberrant expression of genes in the cell division control 42 homolog (CDC42) pathway. This study aims to investigate protein expression of CDC42 in BC and assess its clinicopathological significance. Methods: Expression of CDC42 protein was examined by immunohistochemistry on tissue microarrays in a well characterised cohort of 895 early stage (I-IIIa) primary invasive BCs. Results: CDC42 expression was observed in both the cytoplasm and nucleus of BC cells. High nuclear CDC42 expression demonstrated a significant correlation with ER positive, low-grade tumours and was more common in the lobular histological subtype (all p<0.001). In contrast, cytoplasmic CDC42 showed increased expression in the ductal subtype (p<0.001) and correlated with negative prognostic features such as larger size, higher grade (p<0.05), and higher Ki67 labelling index (p=0.001). Nuclear CDC42 expression was associated with a longer BC specific survival in all cases (p=0.025) and in luminal ER positive tumours (p=0.011). In multivariate analyses including size, grade, lymph node stage and intrinsic subtype, CDC42 was an independent prognostic factor (p=0.032). Conclusion: The results indicate that CDC42 is important molecule in luminal BC, with prognostic significance

The multifunctional solute carrier 3A2 (SLC3A2) confers a poor prognosis in the highly proliferative breast cancer subtypes

Background: Breast cancer (BC) is a heterogeneous disease characterised by variant biology, metabolic activity and patient outcome. This study aimed to evaluate the biological and prognostic value of the membrane solute carrier, SLC3A2 in BC with emphasis on the intrinsic molecular subtypes. Methods: SLC3A2 was assessed at the genomic level, using METABRIC data (n=1,980), and proteomic level, using immunohistochemistry on TMA sections constructed from a large well-characterised primary BC cohort (n=2,500). SLC3A2 expression was correlated with clinicopathological parameters, molecular subtypes, and patient outcome. Results: SLC3A2 mRNA and protein expression were strongly correlated with higher tumour grade and poor Nottingham prognostic index (NPI). High expression of SLC3A2 was observed in triple negative (TN), HER2+, and ER+ high proliferation subtypes. SLC3A2 mRNA and protein expression were significantly associated with the expression of c-MYC in all BC subtypes (p<0.001). High expression of SLC3A2 protein was associated with poor patient outcome (p<0.001)), but only in the ER+ high proliferation (p=0.01) and triple negative (p=0.04) subtypes. In multivariate analysis SLC3A2 protein was an independent risk factor for shorter breast cancer specific survival (p<0.001). Conclusions: SLC3A2 appears to play a role in the aggressive BC subtypes driven by MYC and could act as a potential prognostic marker. Functional assessment is necessary to reveal its potential therapeutic value in the different BC subtypes

Nottingham prognostic index plus (NPI+) predicts risk of distant metastases in primary breast cancer

The Nottingham prognostic index plus (NPI+) is based on the assessment of biological class combined with established clinicopathologic prognostic variables providing improved patient outcome stratification for breast cancer superior to the traditional NPI. This study aimed to determine prognostic capability of the NPI+ in predicting risk of development of distant disease. A well-characterised series of 1073 primary early-stage BC cases treated in Nottingham and 251 cases from Budapest were immunohistochemically assessed for cytokeratin (Ck)5/6, Ck18, EGFR, oestrogen receptor (ER), progesterone receptor, HER2, HER3, HER4, Mucin 1 and p53 expression. NPI+ biological class and prognostic scores were assigned using individual algorithms for each biological class incorporating clinicopathologic parameters and investigated in terms of prediction of distant metastases-free survival (MFS). The NPI+ identified distinct prognostic groups (PG) within each molecular class which were predictive of MFS providing improved patient outcome stratification superior to the traditional NPI. NPI+ PGs, between series, were comparable in predicting patient outcome between series in luminal A, basal p53 altered and HER2+/ER+ (p > 0.01) tumours. The low-risk groups were similarly validated in luminal B, luminal N, basal p53 normal tumours (p > 0.01). Due to small patient numbers the remaining PGs could not be validated. NPI+ was additionally able to predict a higher risk of metastases at certain distant sites. This study may indicate the NPI+ as a useful tool in predicting the risk of metastases. The NPI+ provides accurate risk stratification allowing improved individualised clinical decision making for breast cancer

Explaining Institutional Change: Why Elected Politicians Implement Direct Democracy

In existing models of direct democratic institutions, the median voter benefits, but representative politicians are harmed since their policy choices can be overridden. This is a puzzle, since representative politicians were instrumental in creating these institutions. I build a model of direct democracy that explains why a representative might benefit from tying his or her own hands in this way. The key features are (1) that voters are uncertain about their representative's preferences; (2) that direct and representative elections are complementary ways for voters to control outcomes. The model shows that some politicians benefit from the introduction of direct democracy, since they are more likely to survive representative elections: direct democracy credibly prevents politicians from realising extreme outcomes. Historical evidence from the introduction of the initiative, referendum and recall in America broadly supports the theory, which also explains two empirical results that have puzzled scholars: legislators are trusted less, but reelected more, in US states with direct democracy. I conclude by discussing the potential for incomplete information and signaling models to improve our understanding of institutional change more generally

Clinical and biological significance of RAD51 expression in breast cancer: a key DNA damage response protein

Impaired DNA damage response (DDR) may play a fundamental role in the pathogenesis of breast cancer (BC). RAD51 is a key player in DNA double-strand break repair. In this study, we aimed to assess the biological and clinical significance of RAD51 expression with relevance to different molecular classes of BC and patients’ outcome. The expression of RAD51 was assessed immunohistochemically in a well-characterised annotated series (n = 1184) of early-stage invasive BC with long-term follow-up. A subset of cases of BC from patients with known BRCA1 germline mutations was included as a control group. The results were correlated with clinicopathological and molecular parameters and patients’ outcome. RAD51 protein expression level was also assayed in a panel of cell lines using reverse phase protein array (RPPA). RAD51 was expressed in the nuclei (N) and cytoplasm (C) of malignant cells. Subcellular colocalisation phenotypes of RAD51 were significantly associated with clinicopathological features and patient outcome. Cytoplasmic expression (RAD51C+) and lack of nuclear expression (RAD51 N-) were associated with features of aggressive behaviour, including larger tumour size, high grade, lymph nodal metastasis, basal-like, and triple-negative phenotypes, together with aberrant expression of key DDR biomarkers including BRCA1. All BRCA1-mutated tumours had RAD51C+/N- phenotype. RPPA confirmed IHC results and showed differential expression of RAD51 in cell lines based on ER expression and BRCA1 status. RAD51 N+ and RAD51C+ tumours were associated with longer and shorter breast cancer-specific survival (BCSS), respectively. The RAD51 N+ was an independent predictor of longer BCSS (P<0.0001). Lack of RAD51 nuclear expression is associated with poor prognostic parameters and shorter survival in invasive BC patients. The significant associations between RAD51 subcellular localisation and clinicopathological features, molecular subtype and patients’ outcome suggest that the trafficking of DDR proteins between the nucleus and cytoplasm might play a role in the development and progression of BC