El desafío de integrar : Parque Lineal Paseo del Bajo. Explanada-mirador

El cruce perpendicular de dos direcciones, norte-sur y este-oeste define los dos grandes problemas de integración de la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Por un lado la ya centenaria ausencia de una relación franca de la ciudad con el río, perdida con la construcción del Puerto Madero y nunca recuperada; por el otro, el desbalance entre el sur y el norte. Un norte saturado de funciones urbanas metropolitanas y un sur barrial empobrecido que necesariamente deben tender a equilibrarse. Frente a este desafío, entendemos que la propuesta del Paseo del Bajo, que unirá definitivamente el sistema circulatorio vehicular Norte-Sur del área metropolitana, es una oportunidad para comenzar a resolver un problema más vasto. Un nuevo sistema vial que en principio pareciera dividir aún más el sector, debe servir para integrar.Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanism

El desafío de integrar : Parque Lineal Paseo del Bajo. Explanada-mirador

El cruce perpendicular de dos direcciones, norte-sur y este-oeste define los dos grandes problemas de integración de la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Por un lado la ya centenaria ausencia de una relación franca de la ciudad con el río, perdida con la construcción del Puerto Madero y nunca recuperada; por el otro, el desbalance entre el sur y el norte. Un norte saturado de funciones urbanas metropolitanas y un sur barrial empobrecido que necesariamente deben tender a equilibrarse. Frente a este desafío, entendemos que la propuesta del Paseo del Bajo, que unirá definitivamente el sistema circulatorio vehicular Norte-Sur del área metropolitana, es una oportunidad para comenzar a resolver un problema más vasto. Un nuevo sistema vial que en principio pareciera dividir aún más el sector, debe servir para integrar.Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanism

El desafío de integrar : Parque Lineal Paseo del Bajo. Explanada-mirador

El cruce perpendicular de dos direcciones, norte-sur y este-oeste define los dos grandes problemas de integración de la ciudad de Buenos Aires. Por un lado la ya centenaria ausencia de una relación franca de la ciudad con el río, perdida con la construcción del Puerto Madero y nunca recuperada; por el otro, el desbalance entre el sur y el norte. Un norte saturado de funciones urbanas metropolitanas y un sur barrial empobrecido que necesariamente deben tender a equilibrarse. Frente a este desafío, entendemos que la propuesta del Paseo del Bajo, que unirá definitivamente el sistema circulatorio vehicular Norte-Sur del área metropolitana, es una oportunidad para comenzar a resolver un problema más vasto. Un nuevo sistema vial que en principio pareciera dividir aún más el sector, debe servir para integrar.Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanism

Predicative Possessives Relational Nouns and Floating Quantifiers

Green (1971) notes the apparent unacceptability of certain quantificational expressions as possessors of singular head nouns. We provide data from a range of English dialects to show that such constructions are not straightforwardly unacceptable, but there are a number of restrictions on their use. We build on Kayne’s (1993; 1994) analysis of English possessives in conjunction with considerations on floating quantifiers to explain both the types of possessive that are permitted in the relevant dialects and their distribution, which is restricted to predicative position

Experimental investigations of ambiguity: the case of most

In the study of natural language quantification, much recent attention has been devoted to the investigation of verification procedures associated with the proportional quantifier most. The aim of these studies is to go beyond the traditional characterization of the semantics of most, which is confined to explicating its truth-functional and presuppositional content as well as its combinatorial properties, as these aspects underdetermine the correct analysis of most. The present paper contributes to this effort by presenting new experimental evidence in support of a decompositional analysis of most according to which it is a superlative construction built from a gradable predicate many or much and the superlative operator -est (Hackl, in Nat Lang Semant 17:63–98, 2009). Our evidence comes in the form of verification profiles for sentences like Most of the dots are blue which, we argue, reflect the existence of a superlative reading of most. This notably contrasts with Lidz et al.’s (Nat Lang Semant 19:227–256, 2011) results. To reconcile the two sets of data, we argue, it is necessary to take important differences in task demands into account, which impose limits on the conclusions that can be drawn from these studies

Minimalist C/case

This article discusses A-licensing and case from a minimalist perspective, pursuing the idea that argument NPs cyclically enter a number of A-relations, rather than just a single one, resulting in event-licensing, case-licensing and phi-licensing. While argument case commonly reflects Voice/v-relations, canonical A-movement is driven by higher elements, either in the C-T system or in a superordinate v-system (in ECM constructions). In addition, there is a distinction to be drawn between the triggering of A-movement, by for example C, and the licensing of the landing site, by for instance T, C-probing leading to tucking-in into Spec-T. Much of the evidence presented comes from quirky case constructions in Icelandic and from ECM and raising constructions in Icelandic and English. It is argued that T in ECM constructions inherits phi-licensing from the matrix v, regardless of the case properties of v

Movement from the double object construction is not fully symmetrical

A movement asymmetry arises in some languages that are otherwise symmetrical for both A- and A-bar movement in the double object construction (DOC), including Norwegian, North-West British English, and a range of Bantu languages including Zulu and Lubukusu: a Theme object can be A-bar-moved out of a Recipient (Goal) passive, but not vice versa. Our explanation of this asymmetry is based on phase theory, more specifically a stricter version of the Phase Interpretability Condition proposed by Chomsky (2001). The effect is that, in a Theme passive, a Recipient object destined for the C-domain gets trapped within the lower V-related phase by movement of the Theme. The same effect is observed in Italian, a language in which only Theme passives are possible. Moreover, a similar effect is also found in some Bantu languages in connection with object marking/agreement: object agreement with the Theme in a Recipient passive is possible, but not vice versa. We show that this, too, can be understood within the theory that we articulate