The Recovery of the First History of Alta California: Antonio María Osio’s La historia de Alta California

The transformation of Alta California was as sudden as it was unexpected. From a population of less than 15,000 gente de razón [literally, people with the capacity to reason, meaning people born into Christianity; that is, any non-Indian people] in the mid-1840s, it contained over 100,000 inhabitants in 1850 and almost a quarter of a million two years later. Swarming over the landscape, hostile to the system of land ownership and use that had developed over the previous half century, the newcomers, imbued with their longstanding belief in Anglo-Saxon superiority, went where they willed and took what they wanted. The Californios [any Mexican raised, or later, born and raised in California] adopted various strategies to meet this invasion. Some participated in the institutions set up by the conquerors, sitting in the 1849 Constitutional Convention and in the early state legislatures. Others prepared to defend themselves through North American courts and land commissions. Others withdrew from public life and public view, in the hope that they would be left alone. Others left and returned to Mexico. This paper tells the story of another strategy, one man\u27s attempt to preserve a world through the creation of history and autobiography. On April 4, 1851, in the city of Santa Clara, Antonio María Osio, who had been a bureaucratic functionary and officeholder in Mexican California for two decades, presented Father José María Suárez del Real with a densely written one hundred and ten page manuscript. In a cover letter, Osio told Suarez del Real that what the priest had asked him to do, write the history of California, was beyond his ability. But he had decided, Osio said, to write a letter, a relación of events since 1815 and especially of what I have known and seen since 1825

Revolt at Mission San Gabriel, October 25, 1785: Judicial Proceedings and Related Documents

In this section, we present English translations of the Spanish documents which relate to the planned Mission San Gabriel uprising in 1785. The documents come from two sources, the Archivo General de la Nación in Mexico City and the Santa Barbara Mission Archive-Library. The documents from the Archivo General are located in ramo Provincias Intern.as, tomo 120, expediente 2. Our translation follows the order in which the documents are presented in this source. The first paragraph is the title page of the expediente. The documents follow as they are arranged, with one exception: the questions which the interrogator posed to the four witnesses are only listed once in the documents. The witnesses\u27 answers are preceded by a brief phrase, a la primera, (to the first [question]), a la segunda (to the second [question]), and so forth. For ease of reading, we decided to repeat the questions before each answer given by each of the witnesses. The Santa Barbara Mission Archive-Library documents are taken from the California Mission Documents collection. The numbering of these documents has changed since the 1947 publication of Fr. Maynard Geiger\u27s volume Calendar of Documents in the Santa Barbara Mission Archives. Archive-Library Director Lynn Bremer has posted new finding guides with the updated numbers online at http://www.sbmal.org/ histdocs.html. We regret that space limitations make it impossible for us to present the Spanish text along side our English translation. We are working to make the Spanish text available online, and, if we are successful, we will provide you with the web link by way of the Correo, the CMSA electronic newsletter

Low NO sub x heavy fuel combustor concept program phase 1A gas tests

The emissions performance of a rich lean combustor (developed for liquid fuels) for combustion of simulated coal gases ranging in heating value from 167 to 244 Btu/scf were assessed. The 244 Btu/scf gas is typical of the product gas from an oxygen blown gasifier, while the 167 Btu/scf gas is similar to that from an air blown gasifier. Although meeting NOx goals for the 167 Btu/scf gas, NOx performance of the rich lean combustor did not meet program goals with the 244 Btu/scf gas because of high thermal NOx, similar to levels expected from conventional lean burning combustors. The NOx emissions are attributed to inadequate fuel air mixing in the rich stage resulting from the design of the large central fuel nozzle delivering 71% of the total gas flow. NOx generation from NH3 was significant at ammonia concentrations significantly less tha 0.5%. These levels occur depending on fuel gas cleanup system design, However, NOx yield from ammonia injected into the fuel gas decreased rapidly with increasing ammonia level, and is projected to be less than 10% at NH3 levels of 0.5% or higher

Pediatric sleep difficulties after moderate–severe traumatic brain injury

The objective of this study is to systematically investigate sleep following moderate–severe pediatric traumatic brain injury (TBI). School-aged children with moderate–severe TBI identified via hospital records were invited to participate, along with a school-age sibling. Subjective reports and objective actigraphy correlates of sleep were recorded: Children's Sleep Habits Questionnaire (CSHQ), Sleep Self-Report questionnaire (SSR), and 5-night actigraphy. TBI participants (n = 15) and their siblings (n = 15) participated. Significantly more sleep problems were parent-reported (CSHQ: p = 0.003; d = 1.57), self-reported (SSR: p = 0.003; d = 1.40), and actigraph-recorded in the TBI group (sleep efficiency: p = 0.003; d = 1.23; sleep latency: p = 0.018; d = 0.94). There was no evidence of circadian rhythm disorders, and daytime napping was not prevalent. Moderate–severe pediatric TBI was associated with sleep inefficiency in the form of sleep onset and maintenance problems. This preliminary study indicates that clinicians should be aware of sleep difficulties following pediatric TBI, and their potential associations with cognitive and behavioral problems in a group already at educational and psychosocial risk

Ultranarrow conducting channels defined in GaAs-AlGaAs by low-energy ion damage

We have laterally patterned the narrowest conducting wires of two-dimensional electron gas (2DEG) material reported to date. The depletion induced by low-energy ion etching of GaAs-AlGaAs 2DEG structures was used to define narrow conducting channels. We employed high voltage electron beam lithography to create a range of channel geometries with widths as small as 75 nm. Using ion beam assisted etching by Cl2 gas and Ar ions with energies as low as 150 eV, conducting channels were defined by etching only through the thin GaAs cap layer. This slight etching is sufficient to entirely deplete the underlying material without necessitating exposure of the sidewalls that results in long lateral depletion lengths. At 4.2 K, without illumination, our narrowest wires retain a carrier density and mobility at least as high as that of the bulk 2DEG and exhibit quantized Hall effects. Aharonov–Bohm oscillations are seen in rings defined by this controlled etch-damage patterning. This patterning technique holds promise for creating one-dimensional conducting wires of even smaller sizes

Real-world comparison of probe vehicle emissions and fuel consumption using diesel and 5 % biodiesel (B5) blend.

An instrumented EURO I Ford Mondeo was used to perform a real-world comparison of vehicle exhaust (carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide, hydrocarbons and oxides of nitrogen) emissions and fuel consumption for diesel and 5% biodiesel in diesel blend (B5) fuels. Data were collected on multiple replicates of three standardised on-road journeys: (1) A simple urban route; (2) A combined urban/inter-urban route; and, (3) An urban route subject to significant traffic management. At the total journey measurement level, data collected here indicate that replacing diesel with a B5 substitute could result in significant increases in both NOx emissions (8-13%) and fuel consumption (7-8%). However, statistical analysis of probe vehicle data demonstrated the limitations of comparisons based on such total journey measurements, i.e., methods analogous to those used in conventional dynamometer/drive cycle fuel comparison studies. Here, methods based on the comparison of speed/acceleration emissions and fuel consumption maps are presented. Significant variations across the speed/acceleration surface indicated that direct emission and fuel consumption impacts were highly dependent on the journey/drive cycle employed. The emission and fuel consumption maps were used both as descriptive tools to characterise impacts and predictive tools to estimate journey-specific emission and fuel consumption effects

1.57 μm InGaAsP/InP surface emitting lasers by angled focus ion beam etching

The characteristics of 1.57 μm InGaAsP/InP surface emitting lasers based on an in-plan ridged structure and 45° beam deflectors defined by angled focused ion beam (FIB) etching are reported. With an externally integrated beam deflector, threshold currents and emission spectra identical to conventional edge emitting lasers are achieved. These results show that FIB etching is a very promising technique for the definition of high quality mirrors and beam deflectors on semiconductor heterostructures for a variety of integrated optoelectronic devices

What They Brought: the Alta California Franciscans Before 1769

For a long period beginning in the nineteenth century, historians of California generally characterized missionaries during the Spanish and Mexican eras in one of two ways: as heroic agents of civilization or nefarious purveyors of destruction. The heroic interpretation became dominant in works influenced by the Spanish Revival movement, and it was also evident in the writings of the great Franciscan historians Zephryn Engelhardt, Maynard J. Geiger, and Francis F. Guest, all of whom based their work on the trove of documents at the Santa Barbara Mission Archive-Library. In the 1980s and 1990s, the nefarious interpretation became especially pronounced, due to a number of books that appeared in connection with the controversies surrounding the proposed canonization of Junipero Serra and the commemoration of the Columbus quincentenary.1 In the past fifteen years, however, mission historians have consciously shifted their perspective to focus on Indians. ln this new framework, the missionaries have been, very properly, de-centered. They tend to be regarded as an important set of people who-along with soldiers and settlers-made up part of the context and shaped part of the environment in which native Californians were active agents. As one set of actors among many, they were shaped in complex ways by all those with whom they interacted. Thus it is possible to see them in a more nuanced light.2 This essay is in that vein, for we endeavor to move beyond celebration or condemnation. Using Junipero Serra as an exemplar, we seek to determine how a person\u27s identity as a Spanish Franciscan might affect both his choice to become a missionary in New Spain and how he lived out that choice. For Serra and his religious brothers, one of the most exciting things about Alta California was that they were in the first group of Spanish colonists to arrive there. They believed that elsewhere in New Spain, settlers, soldiers, and officials had oppressed the native peoples and inhibited the spread of the gospel. They thought that Alta California offered them a chance to set things right. They idealized Alta California as a fertile and inviting field. These missionaries did not realize that their assessment was deeply colored by the militant religious suppositions they had brought from early modern Spain and by their struggles with other Spanish colonists over how to treat indigenous peoples, a question that had divided religious and civil authorities in New Spain since the early sixteenth century. They viewed Alta California and its inhabitants through a lens that owed far more to the history of Spain and central Mexico than to anything or anyone that actually existed in Alta California. What Junipero Serra wanted to accomplish with the native peoples of Alta California was shaped by what he and his order had learned from their experiences in Mallorca, Mexico City, the Sierra Gorda, and Baja California. We chose to focus on Serra because he was father president of the Alta California missions, because his activities produced a rich documentary record, and because he has come to symbolize the entire California missionary enterprise. However, a cautionary note is in order. Serra\u27s voice was not the only missionary voice. Indeed, even during his lifetime, his views were far from unchallenged. In 1771 his former student and closest missionary companion, Francisco Pal6u, wrote to Mexico City to criticize Serra for wanting to establish too many missions too quickly. In 1775 his religious superior in Mexico City, exasperated by Serra\u27s tendency to act without sufficient consultation, publicly chastised him and severely limited his powers in a strongly worded letter that he sent to all the California missionaries. We can learn much about the missionary experience by examining Serra- but not everything. His fellow missionaries could and did disagree with him. Tensions within the missionary community were more common than is often realized.

Uncertainty on the Mission Frontier: Missionary Recruitment and Institutional Stability in Alta California in the 1790s

The Alta California missions have been at the center of the historiography of Spanish California for over a century. The history of Alta California, for instance, has often been presented as beginning with a sacred expedition and the expansion of the mission system served as a convenient symbol to chart the spread of the Spanish colonial presence along the Pacific coast. 1 In the 1980s, the combination of two controversial events, the beatification and potential canonization of Fray Junipero Serra and preparations for the 500th anniversary of Columbus\u27s voyage, intensified public interest in the effects of the missions in California and elsewhere. The literature that ensued, often impassioned and both polemical and scholarly in nature, has benefitted the study of colonial California in a number of ways.2 For example, since the quincentennial touched both North and South America, it imbued the study of the California missions with a much greater realization that these institutions were a part of a wider evangeli cal enterprise in the New World in general and New Spain in particular.3 Bolton\u27s concept of the borderlands has been revived in a more sophisticated form and it offers new ways of conceptualizing and understanding the encounters among Europeans, mestizos, and indigenous peoples throughout the U.S. Southwest and elsewhere.4 Also, all throughout the region, detailed study of the mission records, combined with a close sensitivity to oral traditions, has allowed anthropologists, ethnographers, and historians to reconstruct the lives and experiences of Native Americans, including Native Californians, with much greater precision and nuance than ever before.5 California scholars are now themselves engaging in the type of family reconstitution that has enlivened and enriched the study of colonial New England over the past three decades.