The Israeli labour party in opposition and in the national unity government, 1977-1992

The Israel Labour Party and its forerunner Mapai dominated both the pre-state Jewish organisations in Palestine and the early years of the state of Israel prior to 1977. This thesis covers the period between 1977 and 1992 which saw the party’s first electoral defeat (1977) and its eventual return to power (1992). It will argue that during this period the Labour Party was transformed from a dominant party with power (prior to 1977) to a dominant party without power (1977-1981). The years between 1981 and 1992 witnessed the development a more competitive party system in Israel with the Labour Party's status being transformed to that of a non- dominant party either without power (1981-1984 and 1990-1992) or with a share of power during the National Unity Government years (1984-1990).A central theme of the thesis is the continuing "conditioning effects" of the period of dominance in shaping the Labour Party's development, even after it was no longer considered to be a dominant party. This was also in part related to the problem of defining political power in Israel as the Labour Party after its defeat in the parliamentary election in 1977 continued to enjoy a high degree of penetration into the everyday life of the population through its continued control of key institutions in Israel. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the period prior to 1977 and examines the development of the labour movement within the dynamic Israeli society as well as the Labour's Party's (Mapai's) relationship with the Israeli political system. In addition, it analyses the existing frameworks for explaining the decline of the Labour Party which was illustrated by its election defeat in 1977. The second part examines the developments of the party between 1977 and 1992 and is divided into historical periods which cover the various changes of government

Somali Ventures in China: Trade and Mobility in a Transnational Economy

peer reviewedResearch on Somali mobility and migration has predominantly focused on forced migration from Somalia and diaspora communities in Western Europe and North America, neglecting other experiences and destinations. This article traces the journeys of Somali traders from East Africa to China, mapping the growth of a transnational trading economy that has offered a stable career path to a few but a chance to scrape by for many others. Understandings of migration and mobility must encompass these precarious terrains, allowing for a richer examination of how individuals have navigated war, displacement, and political and economic change by investing in transnational livelihoods, not just via ties to the West, but through the myriad connections linking African economies to the Gulf and Asia.Border Crossing, Trade and Trus

Rendering difference visible: The Kenyan state and its somali citizens

peer reviewedThis article examines the history of Somalis in Kenya. It argues that the precarious citizenship status of Kenyan Somalis is rooted in the institutionalization of state power in Kenya and the ways in which social relations have mediated that power. It focuses on a screening exercise organized by the Kenyan government in 1989 to differentiate citizens from non-citizens. Somalis deemed non-citizens were detained and deported while those declared citizens were granted pink 'certificates of verification'. The exercise was framed as a response to disorder and insecurity in northern Kenya - problems blamed on the increased presence of 'aliens' from Somalia. The 1989 screening is a useful lens for understanding how the institutions of the Kenyan state have negotiated and produced citizenship. First, the screening shows how citizenship is an arena for both inter- and intra-ethnic competition; the way specific social relations are embedded within the structures of the state affects the distribution of rights and resources among different groups of citizens. Second, the organization of the screening reveals that public debates about citizenship in Kenya have not just been about drawing lines between insiders and outsiders, but about which insiders belong to which territorial spaces. © The Author 2012. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved

Fugitives in transit. The Spanish Republican exile through Portugal (1936-1950)

Resumen: Pese a que normalmente no ha sido suficientemente tenido en cuenta por la historiografía, Portugal jugó un relevante papel como estación de paso en el camino al exilio de numerosos republicanos españoles durante y tras la Guerra Civil. La situación en el país vecino para estas personas no fue nada sencilla pues el régimen de Antonio Oliveira de Salazar, aliado de Franco, no les reconocía como refugiados políticos por lo que como inmigrantes ilegales eran devueltos a España, lo que para muchos tendría catastróficas consecuencias. A partir del análisis de abundantes fuentes primarias en archivos de España, Portugal, México y Estados Unidos trataremos de comprender mejor los pormenores de esta estación portuguesa del exilio. Descubriremos cómo, a pesar de la postura oficial de las autoridades portuguesas existieron ciertos márgenes de ambigüedad que permitieron la salida de varios millares de españoles con destino a México y otros países. Y estudiaremos la intervención fundamental de organismos de ayuda internacionales como el Unitarian Service Committee.Abstract: Despite scant attention from historiography, Portugal played an important role as a way station on the road to exile for many Republicans during and after the Spanish Civil War. The situation in the neighbouring country was not easy for these people, as Antonio Oliveira de Salazar?s regime officially allied with Franco?s Spain? did not recognize them as political refugees, but as illegal immigrants to be returned to Spain, which would have catastrophic consequences for many of them. Through the analysis of abundant primary sources in archives from Spain, Portugal, Mexico and the United States, we seek to understand the details of this Portuguese stage of the exile. We discover how, despite the oficial position of the Portuguese authorities, there were certain margins of ambiguity that allowed the departure of several thousand Spaniards to Mexico and other countries. Finally we study the fundamental intervention of international aid agencies like the Unitarian Service Committee.Este artículo se enmarca en una investigación realizada gracias al proyecto de investigación: «Ayuda humanitaria europea en Francia durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial», Referencia: HAR2014-58043-P, financiado por el Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad

Integration of water, sanitation, and hygiene for the prevention and control of neglected tropical diseases: a rationale for inter-sectoral collaboration.

Improvements of water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) infrastructure and appropriate health-seeking behavior are necessary for achieving sustained control, elimination, or eradication of many neglected tropical diseases (NTDs). Indeed, the global strategies to fight NTDs include provision of WASH, but few programs have specific WASH targets and approaches. Collaboration between disease control programs and stakeholders in WASH is a critical next step. A group of stakeholders from the NTD control, child health, and WASH sectors convened in late 2012 to discuss opportunities for, and barriers to, collaboration. The group agreed on a common vision, namely "Disease-free communities that have adequate and equitable access to water and sanitation, and that practice good hygiene." Four key areas of collaboration were identified, including (i) advocacy, policy, and communication; (ii) capacity building and training; (iii) mapping, data collection, and monitoring; and (iv) research. We discuss strategic opportunities and ways forward for enhanced collaboration between the WASH and the NTD sectors

Gilberto Bosques and the flight of Spanish Republicans through Portugal, 1946-1949

Resumen: Partiendo de la polémica existente en torno a la valoración de la figura de Gilberto Bosques, en este artículo tratamos de realizar una nueva mirada, basada en una investigación con fuentes primarias inéditas, acerca de un período prácticamente desconocido de su participación en el salvamento de refugiados. Entre 1946 y 1949 Gilberto Bosques ejerció como embajador de México en Portugal, donde su principal labor volvió a ser la atención a los republicanos españoles que trataban de huir del franquismo. El nuevo contexto en el que tuvo que desenvolver sus funciones, a pesar del fin de la guerra, fue si cabe tan complejo como el anterior. Analizaremos los planes para el salvamento de españoles diseñados por Bosques, las dificultades en su implantación y sus resultados prácticos, sin dejar de lado la situación de estos exiliados, de los que trataremos de trazar un perfil social.Abstract: Onthe basis of the existing controversy surrounding the assessment of the Gilberto Bosques? figure, in this article we try to make a new view, based on research with unpublished primary sources, about a virtually unknown period of its participation in the rescue of refugees. Between 1946 and 1949 Gilberto Bosques served as Mexico?s ambassador in Portugal, where his main task was again the attention to the Spanish Republicans who tried to flee the Francoism. The new context in which they had to develop their functions, despite the end of the war, was as complex as the previous. We analyze the plans for the rescue of Spanish republicans designed by Bosques, the difficulties in its implementation and practical results. Finally westudy the situation of these exiles and we try to draw their social profile

The Israeli Labour Party in opposition and the National Unity Government, 1977-1992

SIGLEAvailable from British Library Document Supply Centre-DSC:DX190126 / BLDSC - British Library Document Supply CentreGBUnited Kingdo

Development in Morocco: Re-Examining the Effect of Remittance Flows

Migration statistics reveal Morocco as one of the world’s leading emigration countries. Migration is bound to Morocco’s social, political, and economic spheres. However, empirical data related to migration and its subsequent effects on development within Morocco is poorly lacking. Specifically, there is a significant lack of information concerning remittances and their effect on development in Morocco. The impact of migration on Moroccan society and economic development is addressed here through discussion of previously attained empirical data and new research gathered in accordance with this paper. This paper is by no means comprehensive but instead offers an analysis of recent research while highlighting problems encountered in the area of remittance and development research. It is clear that improved communication and cooperation among local and foreign based non-government organizations as well as general cooperation among Moroccan and host nation authorities is required to fight current pessimistic views of remittances and their effect on development. Improved cooperation in addition to increased overall funding for remittance research is needed to understand the true consequences of remittances in Morocco and the best policies to enhance their positive effect on economic development. Remittances may provide a method to increase local investments and are an economic tool that has not received enough recognition as a development enabler. Lastly, an analysis of the social perspectives of migration held by varying groups of Moroccans, both in rural and urban areas, is presented