The Party System in Central Europe after 20 Years (Standard or Exceptional?)

This article is a brief consideration of the state of the party system in Central Europe, in the sense of its position in wider theoretical and comparative contexts of democracy as such and within Western European models. Does Central Europe differ from Western Europe? Is Central European democracy, including the political party system, qualitatively different from Western European democracy? This text fi rst examines the issue of the consolidation of democracy in Central Europe, then explores the relationships between the consolidation of democracy and the political party system in the region and fi nally tries to fi nd an answer to the question of the standard or exceptional nature of Central European democracy and the Central European political party system in relation to Western Europe. The result of this examination is the fi nding of an absence of qualitative difference between Central and Western Europe in terms of the aspects referred to above

Electoral Reforms in Poland after 1991 and Their Political Consequences

This article analyses the phenomenon of electoral engineering in contemporary Poland. The aim is to study the causes and especially the consequences of electoral reforms in relation to political parties and the party system as a whole. This analysis is supported by a number of empirical indicators, e.g. over-representation and under-representation of political parties, aggregation, fragmentation and polarization of the party system, etc. The Polish case study excellently demonstrated the theories of the direct influence of the electoral system on the party system, both in a positive and negative sense. Politicians can use electoral reform to help stabilize the party system and the political régime as a whole (Polish electoral reform of 1993), or they can use the same tool to help themselves (to ease re-entry into parliament), but at the expense of stabilization of the party system (Polish electoral reform of 2001)

Parliamentarism or semi-presidentialism? A dispute over classification of Central European democratic regimes

While reading academic papers and books on political regimes in Central Europe, one can become aware of an interesting and remarkable fact: these regimes (forms of government) are classified rather differently. Whereas some scholars tend to approach them as parliamentary regimes, others classify them as semi-presidential ones. The major dividing line between these two perspectives runs between a large group of English-writing scholars based outside Central Europe and those from Central Europe itself. Having reviewed a large number of relevant studies in this field, the authors of this article argue that the key reason for the different assessments of Central European regimes resides mainly in a different theoretical (but also methodological) approach, which has important implications when considering how these regimes are treated in various studies. Whereas the group of English-writing scholars tends to adopt a minimalist institutional definition suggested by Robert Elgie, most Central European scholars prefer an approach (inspired by Duverger or Sartori) that emphasizes presidential powers, which are irrelevant to Elgie’s definition.While reading academic papers and books on political regimes in Central Europe, one can become aware of an interesting and remarkable fact: these regimes (forms of government) are classified rather differently. Whereas some scholars tend to approach them as parliamentary regimes, others classify them as semi-presidential ones. The major dividing line between these two perspectives runs between a large group of English-writing scholars based outside Central Europe and those from Central Europe itself. Having reviewed a large number of relevant studies in this field, the authors of this article argue that the key reason for the different assessments of Central European regimes resides mainly in a different theoretical (but also methodological) approach, which has important implications when considering how these regimes are treated in various studies. Whereas the group of English-writing scholars tends to adopt a minimalist institutional definition suggested by Robert Elgie, most Central European scholars prefer an approach (inspired by Duverger or Sartori) that emphasizes presidential powers, which are irrelevant to Elgie’s definition

Silicon micro-levers and a multilayer graphene membrane studied via laser photoacoustic detection

Laser photoacoustic spectroscopy (PAS) is a method that utilizes the sensing of the pressure waves that emerge upon the absorption of radiation by absorbing species. The use of the conventional electret microphone as a pressure sensor has already reached its limit, and a new type of microphone - an optical microphone -has been suggested to increase the sensitivity of this method. The movement of a micro-lever or a membrane is sensed via a reflected beam of light, which falls onto a position-sensing detector. The use of one micro-lever as a pressure sensor in the form of a silicon cantilever has already enhanced the sensitivity of laser PAS. Herein, we test two types of home-made sensing elements - four coupled silicon micro-levers and a multi-layer graphene membrane - which have the potential to enhance this sensitivity further. Graphene sheets possess outstanding electromechanical properties and demonstrate impressive sensitivity as mass detectors. Their mechanical properties make them suitable for use as micro-/nano-levers or membranes, which could function as extremely sensitive pressure sensors. Graphene sheets were prepared from multilayer graphene through the micromechanical cleavage of basal plane highly ordered pyrolytic graphite. Multilayer graphene sheets (thickness similar to 10(2) nm) were then mounted on an additional glass window in a cuvette for PAS. The movements of the sheets induced by acoustic waves were measured using an He-Ne laser beam reflected from the sheets onto a quadrant detector. A discretely tunable CO2 laser was used as the source of radiation energy for the laser PAS experiments. Sensitivity testing of the investigated sensing elements was performed with the aid of concentration standards and a mixing arrangement in a flow regime. The combination of sensitive microphones and micromechanical/nanomechanical elements with laser techniques offers a method for the study and development of new, reliable and highly sensitive chemical sensing systems. To our knowledge, we have produced the first demonstration of the feasibility of using four coupled silicon micro-levers and graphene membranes in an optical microphone for PAS. Although the sensitivity thus far remains inferior to that of the commercial electret microphone (with an S / N ratio that is 5 times lower), further improvement is expected to be achieved by adjusting the micro-levers and membrane elements, the photoacoustic system and the position detector.Web of Science4110910

XXIV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách

Title in English: 24th International Colloquium on Regional Sciences: Conference proceedings. The conference proceedings consists of papers presented at the 24rd International Colloquium on Regional Sciences that was organized by Department of Regional Economics and Administration FEA MU. It contains 79 articles arranged by topic. The individual articles deal with e.g. socioeconomic disparities among regions, regional policy, territory attractiveness, tourism or regional public administration

On the classical theories of non-democratic regimes and their usefulness in examining Eastern Europe 1944–1989

ON THE CLASSICAL THEORIES OF NON-DEMOCRATIC REGIMES AND THEIRUSEFULNESS IN EXAMINING EASTERN EUROPE 1944–1989This study examines the classical theories of non-democratic regimes from the perspective of their possible qualifications as well as practical applicability. In the first part of this paper, the two main conceptions — totalitarianism and authoritarianism — as well as their modifications are investigated. The purpose of this investigation is to clear up some of the misconceptions associated with these terms. In the following part of the paper, the link between these theories and political practice is examined, both from a theoretical and practical point of view. In this respect, the author turns in his analysis predominantly to postwar communist Eastern Europe. The main aim of this paper is to back up these classic conceptions of political science, show their theoretical meaning and usefulness in practice.ON THE CLASSICAL THEORIES OF NON-DEMOCRATIC REGIMES AND THEIRUSEFULNESS IN EXAMINING EASTERN EUROPE 1944–1989This study examines the classical theories of non-democratic regimes from the perspective of their possible qualifications as well as practical applicability. In the first part of this paper, the two main conceptions — totalitarianism and authoritarianism — as well as their modifications are investigated. The purpose of this investigation is to clear up some of the misconceptions associated with these terms. In the following part of the paper, the link between these theories and political practice is examined, both from a theoretical and practical point of view. In this respect, the author turns in his analysis predominantly to postwar communist Eastern Europe. The main aim of this paper is to back up these classic conceptions of political science, show their theoretical meaning and usefulness in practice

Jerzy J. Wiatr a jeho pojetí politiky ve středovýchodní Evropě

19320

Petr Fiala, Jan Holzer, Maxmilián Strmiska a kol., Politické strany ve střední a východní Evropě. Ideově-politický profil, pozice a role politických stran v postkomunistických zemích

Knižní recenze / Book Review

Un politologo militante :Giovanni Sartori (1924-2017)

28328

THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA: A SUCCESSFUL ENGAGEMENT OF THE SOCIAL AND THE NATIONALIST PROTEST

Communist parties are generally associated with proletarian internationalism. How-ever, some communist parties have a double “face” – an internationalist one and nation-alist one. Present-day Czech communists successfully build on this tactic. My article will answer the following research questions: What causes the strong nationalist orientation of contemporary Czech communists? What type of nationalism does it represent? And is the outlined continuity between the interwar period and the present-day accidental or is it (at least partly) caused by certain objective political and/or social factors