Russia and the European Far Right

This thesis explores contemporary relations between various Russian actors and European far right ideologues, movements, organisations and parties. The thesis demonstrates that each side of this relationship is driven by evolving and, at times, circumstantial political and pragmatic considerations that involve, on the one hand, the need to attain or restore declining or deficient domestic or international legitimacy and, on the other hand, the ambition to reshape the apparently hostile domestic or international environments in accordance with one’s own interests. Introduction discusses the research background of the thesis, and outlines its conceptual framework, methodology and structure. Chapter 1 discusses pro-Russian elements of the European far right milieu before the Second World War. Chapter 2 looks at the active cooperation between Russian and Western far right politicians after the fall of the Soviet Union. Chapter 3 examines the right-wing authoritarian evolution of Vladimir Putin’s regime – an evolution that facilitated the deepening of the relations between Russian pro-Kremlin actors and the European far right. Chapters 4 and 5 consider two areas of dynamic cooperation between various Russian actors and European far right politicians and organisations aimed at supporting and consolidating alternative institutions that aim at challenging and undermining liberaldemocratic practices and traditions: electoral monitoring and the media. Chapter 6 looks at openly pro-Russian activities that Austrian, French and Italian far right parties have carried out in their national contexts, and identifies several types of operators who furthered cooperation between them and Russian actors. Chapter 7 explores the performance of European far right politicians on high-profile discussion platforms in Moscow and at sessions of the European Parliament in Strasbourg and Brussels, and analyses the narratives that they promote within these settings. Conclusion presents main findings of this research

Making EU foreign policy towards a 'Pariah' state: consensus on sanctions in EU foreign policy towards Myanmar

This thesis seeks to explain why the European Union ratcheted up restrictive measures on Myanmar from 1991 until 2010, despite divergent interests of EU member states and the apparent inability of sanctions to quickly achieve the primary objectives of EU policy. This empirical puzzle applies the ‘sanctions paradox’ to the issue of joint action in the EU. It also connects the assessment of policy effectiveness to EU foreign policy-making. The investigation unravels this conundrum through competitive theory testing. The study discovers that EU foreign policy was essentially decided by the largest member states. Since 1996, the UK has fostered a consensus among EU policymakers on a principled common policy, which would induce political reform in Myanmar mainly via the implementation of punitive measures. Hence, noncompliance by the target with EU demands offers a credible, but insufficient explanation of why the EU tightened its sanctions regime. US pressure on EU policy was marginal. The dissertation argues that a ‘normative’ interpretation of liberal intergovernmentalism best solves this puzzle. The EU met domestic pressures for action, although the measures adopted were clearly too inadequate to be effective. Feedback on policy effectiveness did not play a significant role in EU decision-making. EU policy was driven by a consensus to treat Myanmar as a ‘pariah’ state. Ideological motivations have largely outweighed material interests. Normative arguments were necessary to put proposals on the common agenda; yet, decisions ultimately involved ‘cooperative bargaining’ among the largest states. Consensus building was therefore a dynamic process. The policy entrepreneur defined its interests domestically; member states with lower preference intensity generally refrained from opposing its leadership. This thesis thus contributes to the liberal intergovernmental scholarship by proposing a more comprehensive explanation for the drivers and constraints that influence the making of European sanctions

AUßENKULTURPOLITIK IM UMBRUCH: NEUE WEGE NATIONALER TRADITION: Eine Fallstudie über die Zusammenarbeit europäischer nationaler Kulturinstitute

Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht das Feld der Außenkulturpolitik. Unter diesem Begriff wurde bisher die Kulturpolitik eines Staates im Ausland verstanden. Diese Studie betrachtet jedoch nicht die traditionelle Außenkulturpolitik von Nationalstaaten, ihr Fokus liegt vielmehr auf außenkulturpolitischen Veränderungsprozessen im europäischen Raum, die aus einer transnationalen Perspektive betrachtet werden. Den Ausgangspunkt bildet die Feststellung, dass die außenkulturpolitischen Institutionen in Europa mit ihren historisch gestellten Aufgaben und starren bürokratischen Strukturen den gegenwärtigen sozio-politischen Anforderungen nicht gerecht werden. Diese Studie betrachtet, wie die außenkulturellen Institutionen mit dieser Situation umgehen und welche Veränderungen daraus für das Feld der internationalen Kulturbeziehungen resultieren. Um diesen Prozess zu verdeutlichen, wird im Rahmen einer Fallstudie erforscht, wie die nationalen Kulturinstitute in Brüssel zwischen 1998 und 2008 mit ihrer kritischen Situation als Kulturvermittler umgegangen sind. Im Fokus stehen jedoch nicht die einzelnen Kulturinstitute, sondern ein Verbund, der 1998 von sechs in Brüssel ansässigen Kulturinstituten gegründet wurde. Die Fallstudie ist an die Beziehung und die Wechselwirkung zwischen drei kulturpolitischen Akteuren geknüpft: den Nationalstaaten der EU, der Europäischen Union und nationalen Kulturinstituten.:Inhaltsverzeichnis 1. Einleitung und Fragestellung der Arbeit 1.1 Begriffsbestimmung: Außenkulturpolitik, internationale Kulturbeziehungen oder kulturelle Zusammenarbeit 1.2 Governance of Culture und ihre Relevanz für die Arbeit 1.3 Stand und Relevanz der Forschung über Außenkulturpolitik 1.4 Methodische Vorgehensweise 1.5 Aufbau der Arbeit 2. Kultur unter den Nationen 2.1 Kultur und Politik auswärts 2.2 Nationen, ihre Narrationen und das Paradox des Kulturellen 2.3 Kultur im Ausland und der politische Apparat 2.3.1 In der Tradition eingebettet 2.3.2 Protagonisten der Außenkulturpolitik 2.3.3 Ständige Vertretung des Kulturellen 2.3.4 Kulturelle Ziele zwischen „Innen“ und „Außen“ außenkulturelle Prioritäten Instrumente der auswärtigen Kulturpolitik 2.3.5 Direkte Beteiligung der Regierung 2.3.6 Zielländer und die Rezipienten Eigenes Land als Zielland der Außenkulturpolitik 2.3.7 Nichtstaatliches Umfeld 2.4 Paradigmenwechsel in der nationalen Außenkulturpolitik - Neue Wege der Tradition 2.4.1 Kontinuität und Wandel 2.4.2 Warum die Ideen von gestern heute nicht funktionieren Zwischenresümee 3. Kultur in den Außenbeziehungen der Europäischen Union – Entstehung eines neuen Politikfeldes 3.1 Institutionelle Zusammensetzung 3.2 Die Meilensteine auf dem Weg zur europäischen Außenkulturpolitik 3.2.1 Die Meinung der Nationen - Die Schlussfolgerung zur Förderung der kulturellen Vielfalt 3.2.2 Der Wille des Volkes - Beschluss über die kulturelle Dimension der Auswärtigen Aktionen der EU Zusammenfassung 3.3 Kulturpolitische Ziele und (europäische) Narrationen. 3.3.1 Europäische Außenkulturpolitik: kleine und große Interessen 3.3.2 Vorteile für die EU aus einer europäischen Außenkulturpolitik 3.4 Vergleich: nationale und europäische Außenkulturpolitik Zwischenresümee 4. Die Kunst der Kulturvermittlung und ihre Organisation 4.1 Kultur und ihre Dimensionen in der (Außen)Kulturpolitik 4.1.1 Kulturvermittlung - Zwischen Tradition und Wandel 4.2 Kultur als Teil der Bürokratie 4.2.1 Das Besondere am Kulturbetrieb 4.2.2 Kulturbetrieb - eine ziellose Organisation? 4.3 Neue Form des Organisierens: Netzwerk 4.3.1 Begriffserklärung: Kooperation, Netzwerk und Organisation Kooperation vs. Netzwerk Netzwerk vs. bürokratische Organisation 4.3.2 Motivation zur Netzwerkarbeit 4.3.3 Erfolgsfaktoren des Netzwerkmanagements Gemeinsame Kommunikation 4.3.4 Umgang mit Differenzen im Netzwerk Zwischenresümee 5. Verortung der Kooperation zwischen den nationalen Kulturinstituten in Europa 5.1 Europäische Kulturhäuser 5.2 Verstärkung der Vernetzung zwischen den Kulturschaffenden in Europa 5.3 Ein europaweites Netzwerk der nationalen Kulturinstitute 5.4 Verortung dieser Studie 6. Fallstudie A: Nationale Kulturinstitute als politische Spieler in der transnationalen Realität 6.1 Die ersten Spuren der Vernetzung nationaler Spieler in Brüssel 6.2 Gemeinsam aber unterschiedlich - Kurzprofile der beteiligten Kulturinstitute im Vergleich 6.3 Zwischen Politik und Kultur 6.4 Gemeinsam trotz Unterschiede 6.5 Neue Wege der Zusammenarbeit 6.6 Die Entwicklung der Beziehung zur EU-Kommission 6.7 Intensivierung der Beziehungen mit der EU-Kommission 6.8 EUNIC-Netzwerk und die kulturelle Außenbeziehungen der EU – im Vorausblick Zwischenresümee 7. Fallstudie B: CICEB Netzwerk – die andere Art des Organisierens 7.1 Zwischen Konkurrenz und Zusammenarbeit 7.2 Strukturen und Organisation des CICEB- Netzwerks 7.3 Organisatorische und strukturelle Knacknüsse 7.3.1 Interne Lösungsvorschläge 7.4 Die Beziehungen bilden das Netzwerk 7.5 Memorandum of Understanding/ Absichtserklärung 7.6 Erweiterung des Netzwerks (2006-2007) 7.7 EUNIC-Gründung 7.8 Von CICEB zu EUNIC Brüssel -Modus Operandi 7.8.1 Presidency Support team Zwischenresümee 6. Fallstudie C: Vermittlung von Symbolen und Werten durch CICEB-Netzwerk 7.9 Eure und unsere Kultur 7.10 Gemeinsame Projekte zwischen 1998 und 2003 - Beispiel 7.11 Zwischen bilateraler und multilateraler kultureller Zusammenarbeit 7.12 Neue Grundlagen kultureller Zusammenarbeit 7.13 Additive und integrative Kulturprojekte 7.14 Gemeinsame Projekte zwischen 2004 und 2006 - Beispiele Zwischenresümee 8. Zusammenfassung 9. Ergebnisse und Ausblic

Surveillance law, data retention and risks to democracy and rights

In Klass and others v Germany, the first surveillance case before the European Court of Human Rights, it was acknowledged that the threat of secret surveillance posed by highlighting its awareness ‘of the danger such a law poses of undermining or even destroying democracy on the ground of defending it.’ This thesis considers a form of surveillance, communications data retention as envisioned in Part 4 of the Investigatory Powers Act 2016 and its compatibility with the European Convention on Human Rights. This thesis highlights that communications data is not only just as, if not more intrusive than intercepting content based on what can be retained. It also reveals that communications data is mass surveillance within surveillance. Additionally, this thesis demonstrates that communications data does not just interference Article 8 of the Convention, but a collection of Convention Rights including Articles 9, 10, 11, 14, Article 2 Protocol 4 and potentially Article 6. Each of these rights are important for democracy and Article 8 and privacy underpins them all. Furthermore, this thesis highlights that obligation to retain communications data can be served on anything that can communicate across any network. Taking all factors highlighted into consideration, when assessed for compatibility with the Convention, communications data retention in Part 4 not only fails to be ‘in accordance with the law’, it fails to establish a legitimate aim, and fails to demonstrate its necessity and proportionality. In establishing that communications data retention as envisaged in Part 4 of the Investigatory Powers Act 2016 is incompatible with the Convention, it demonstrates that it undermines democracy and has sown the seeds for its destruction. Not only would the findings of this thesis create an obstacle to an UK-EU post- Brexit adequacy finding, it would have an impact beyond UK law as many States in Europe and outside seek to cement data retention nationally

Globalizing torture : CIA secret detention and extraordinary rendition

Following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the Central Intelligence Agency embarked on a highly classified program of secret detention and extraordinary rendition of terrorist suspects. The program was designed to place detainee interrogations beyond the reach of law. Suspected terrorists were seized and secretly flown across national borders to be interrogated by foreign governments that used torture, or by the CIA itself in clandestine 'black sites' using torture techniques. This report is the most comprehensive account yet assembled of the human rights abuses associated with secret detention and extraordinary rendition operations. It details for the first time the number of known victims, and lists the foreign governments that participated in these operations. It shows that responsibility for the abuses lies not only with the United States but with dozens of foreign governments that were complicit. More than 10 years after the 2001 attacks, this report makes it unequivocally clear that the time has come for the United States and its partners to definitively repudiate these illegal practices and secure accountability for the associated human rights abuses.UT Librarie

Regulatory instruments for content regulation in digital media: a prospective study of the protection of minors against harmful content

status: publishe

Where we come from, where we stand and where to go: cultural policies in the European Union

This thesis begins with the historical evolution of the European institutions and their responsibility across time. Since the reconstruction of Europe after the second world war until the creation of the European Union following the evolution of the various treaties responsible for its structure. This is followed by an analysis of the Cultural Programme 2007-2013, focusing on its structure and goals. Furtherly will be focussed the European parliamentary debates, and the analysis of the working groups during the process of programmatic decision-making in order to discover the importance placed by those institutions on culture and theatre. The final section was concerned with the place that theatre has on the political spectrum of the European Union; this was established by considering the results of the analyses of the debates, the statement of the European Council of ministers of culture and the projects approved by the European Cultural Programme 2007-2013. This programme was created to build intercultural dialogue and tolerance between the different members states that are part of the European Union. Starting with the assumption that culture is fundamental for the building of a healthy and tolerant society and for the creation of symbols, rituals and traditions, which develop a common emotional connection between the European countries. This study wants to open a path of reflection on the impact that this cultural programme had in the financing of theatre projects in the European Union. Theatre involves the collective work of different artistic influences and has the possibility of introducing a variety of different kinds of artistic participation, such as music and dance, and developing different ways of communication that help the transmission of the concept, history and message in different languages. Theatre also provides the possibility of creating new rituals and traditions that may or may not redefine a society.Esta tese inicia-se com a evolução histórica das instituições Europeias e as suas responsabilidades ao longo do tempo. Desde a reconstrução da Europa após a segunda grande guerra até a formação da União Europeia, atravessando os vários tratados responsáveis para a sua estruturação. Segue-se a analise do Programa Cultural 2007-2013, focando na sua estrutura e objetivos. Em seguida, debruça-se sobre o seu lugar nos debates parlamentares do Parlamento Europeu e a analise dos grupos de trabalho, responsáveis pela sua criação programática, com o objetivo de averiguar a importância que essas instituições dão á cultura e ao teatro. A secção final tem como objetivo explorar o lugar que o Teatro tem no espectro politico da União Europeia; isso foi estabelecido tendo em consideração os resultados da analise feita aos debates, a declaração do Concelho de Ministros Europeus da cultura e os projetos aprovados no programa cultural Europeu, Programa Cultural 2007-2013. Este projeto foi criado para construir um dialogo intercultural e promover a tolerância entre os diferentes estados membros que fazem parte da União Europeia. Ao assumir que a cultura é fundamental pela fomentação de um sociedade saudável e tolerante, criadora de símbolos e rituais e tradições, que desenvolvem uma ligação emocional e de comunidade entre os países Europeu; este estudo quer abrir um caminho de reflecção sobre o impacto que este programa cultural tem no financiamento de projetos de teatro na União Europeia. O teatro envolve o trabalho coletivo de diferentes influencias artísticas e tem a capacidade de introduzir uma variedade de participações artísticas, com a dança e a musica, e desenvolver diferentes maneira de comunicar que ajudam na transmissão do conceito, história e mensagem para diferentes línguas. Teatro também tem a potencialidade de criar novos rituais e tradições que podem ou não redefinir uma sociedade

Disinformation and propaganda – impact on the functioning of the rule of law in the EU and its Member States. Study Requested by the LIBE committee. CEPS Special Report, February 2019

This study, commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs and requested by the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, assesses the impact of disinformation and strategic political propaganda disseminated through online social media sites. It examines effects on the functioning of the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights in the EU and its Member States. The study formulates recommendations on how to tackle this threat to human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It specifically addresses the role of social media platform providers in this regard