Using HINODE/Extreme-Ultraviolet Imaging Spectrometer to confirm a seismologically inferred coronal temperature

The Extreme-Ultraviolet Imaging Spectrometer on board the HINODE satellite is used to examine the loop system described in Marsh et al. (2009) by applying spectroscopic diagnostic methods. A simple isothermal mapping algorithm is applied to determine where the assumption of isothermal plasma may be valid, and the emission measure locii technique is used to determine the temperature profile along the base of the loop system. It is found that, along the base, the loop has a uniform temperature profile with a mean temperature of 0.89 +- 0.09 MK which is in agreement with the temperature determined seismologically in Marsh et al. (2009), using observations interpreted as the slow magnetoacoustic mode. The results further strengthen the slow mode interpretation, propagation at a uniform sound speed, and the analysis method applied in Marsh et al. (2009). It is found that it is not possible to discriminate between the slow mode phase speed and the sound speed within the precision of the present observations

The 'British Policy Style' and Mental Health: Beyond the Headlines

Recent Mental Health Acts provide evidence of diverging UK and Scottish government policy styles. The UK legislative process lasted almost ten years following attempts by ministers to impose decisions and an unprecedented level of sustained opposition from interest groups. In contrast, the consultation process in Scotland was consensual, producing high levels of stakeholder ‘ownership'. This article considers two narratives on the generalisability of this experience. The first suggests that it confirms a ‘majoritarian' British policy style, based on the centralisation of power afforded by a first-past-the-post electoral system (Lijphart, 1999). Diverging styles are likely because widespread hopes for consensus politics in the devolved territories have been underpinned by proportional representation. The second suggests that most policy-making is consensual, based on the diffusion of power across policy sectors and the ‘logic of consultation' between governments and interest groups (Jordan and Richardson, 1982). The legislative process deviated temporarily from the ‘normal' British policy style which is more apparent when we consider mental health policy as a whole. Overall, the evidence points to more than one picture of British styles; it suggests that broad conclusions on ‘majoritarian' systems must be qualified by detailed empirical investigation

Looking forward to making predictions

As described in the preceding pages, since the BGS was established in 1835, the British population has coped with many challenges. These have ranged from finding resources to fuel the Industrial Revolution, understanding and combating water-borne diseases such as typhoid, the threat of invasion and aerial bombardment, through to modern-day environmental problems and climate change. To help deal with these problems, decisionmakers from governments and other organisations have required our help and advice

Underperforming policy networks : the biopesticides network in the United Kingdom

Loosely integrated and incomplete policy networks have been neglected in the literature. They are important to consider in terms of understanding network underperformance. The effective delivery and formulation of policy requires networks that are not incomplete or underperforming. The biopesticides policy network in the United Kingdom is considered and its components identified with an emphasis on the lack of integration of retailers and environmental groups. The nature of the network constrains the actions of its agents and frustrates the achievement of policy goals. A study of this relatively immature policy network also allows for a focus on network formation. The state, via an external central government department, has been a key factor in the development of the network. Therefore, it is important to incorporate such factors more systematically into understandings of network formation. Feedback efforts from policy have increased interactions between productionist actors but the sphere of consumption remains insufficiently articulated

What Have We Learned from Policy Transfer Research? Dolowitz and Marsh Revisited

Over the last decade, policy transfer has emerged as an important concept within public policy analysis, guiding both theoretical and empirical research spanning many venues and issue areas. Using Dolowitz and Marsh's 1996 stocktake as its starting point, this article reviews what has been learned by whom and for what purpose. It finds that the literature has evolved from its rather narrow, state-centred roots to cover many more actors and venues. While policy transfer still represents a niche topic for some researchers, an increasing number have successfully assimilated it into wider debates on topics such as globalisation, Europeanisation and policy innovation. This article assesses the concept's position in the overall ‘tool-kit’ of policy analysis, examines some possible future directions and reflects on their associated risks and opportunities

A 150MG magnetic white dwarf in the cataclysmic variable RX J1554.2+2721

We report the detection of Zeeman-split Lalpha absorption pi and sigma+ lines in the far-ultraviolet Hubble Space Telescope/Space Telescope Imaging Spectrograph spectrum of the magnetic cataclysmic variable RX J1554.2+2721. Fitting the STIS data with magnetic white dwarf model spectra, we derive a field strength of B~144MG and an effective temperature of 17000K<Teff<23000K. This measurement makes RX J1554.2+2721 only the third cataclysmic variable containing a white dwarf with a field exceeding 100MG. Similar to the other high-field polar AR UMa, RX J1554.2+2721 is often found in a state of feeble mass transfer, which suggests that a considerable number of high-field polars may still remain undiscovered.Comment: 4 pages, accepted for ApJ Letter

The interplay between non-esterified fatty acids and plasma zinc and its influence on thrombotic risk in obesity and type 2 diabetes

This work is funded by the British Heart Foundation (grant numbers: FS/20/3/34956 and FS/19/69/34639), the China Scholarship Council and the Leverhulme Trust (grant number: RPG-2017-214).Thrombosis is a major comorbidity of obesity and type-2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM). Despite the development of numerous effective treatments and preventative strategies to address thrombotic disease in such individuals, the incidence of thrombotic complications remains high. This suggests that not all the pathophysiological mechanisms underlying these events have been identified or targeted. Non-esterified fatty acids (NEFAs) are increasingly regarded as a nexus between obesity, insulin resistance and vascular disease. Notably, plasma NEFA levels are consistently elevated in obesity and T2DM and may impact haemostasis in several ways. A potentially unrecognised route of NEFA-mediated thrombotic activity is their ability to disturb Zn2+ speciation in the plasma. Zn2+ is a potent regulator of coagulation and its availability in the plasma is monitored carefully through buffering by human serum albumin (HSA). The binding of long-chain NEFAs such as palmitate and stearate however trigger a conformational change in HSA that reduce its ability to bind Zn2+ thus increasing the ion’s availability to bind and activate coagulation proteins. NE-FA-mediated perturbation of HSA-Zn2+ binding is thus predicted to contribute to the prothrom-botic milieu in obesity and T2DM, representing a novel targetable disease mechanism in these disorders.Publisher PDFPeer reviewe

Has Devolution Changed the 'British Policy Style'?

The term &lsquo;policy style' simply means the way that governments make and implement policy. Yet, the term &lsquo;British policy style' may be confusing since it has the potential to relate to British exceptionalism or European convergence. Lijphart's important contribution identifies the former. It sets up a simple distinction between policy styles in majoritarian and consensual democracies and portrays British policy-making as top down and different from a consensual European approach. In contrast, Richardson identifies a common &lsquo;European policy style'. This suggests that although the political structures of each country vary, they share a &lsquo;standard operating procedure' based on two factors - an incremental approach to policy and an attempt to reach a consensus with interest groups rather than impose decisions. This article extends these arguments to British politics since devolution. It questions the assumption that policy styles are diverging within Britain. Although consultation in the devolved territories may appear to be more consensual, they are often contrasted with a caricature of the UK process based on atypical examples of top-down policy-making. While there may be a different &lsquo;feel' to participation in Scotland and Wales, a similar logic of consultation and bureaucratic accommodation exists in the UK. This suggests that, although devolution has made a difference, a British (or European) policy style can still be identified