Nowe determinanty socjalizacji politycznej w dobie Internetu

The media appears to play an increasingly significant role in the process of political socialization. This is the outcome of the large amount of time people spend every day in front of their screens and other sources of information on the one hand, and from the growing ‘intimacy’ of their relations with their devices. A majority of Poles (ca. 64% in 2017 in the 15+ age group) have smartphones, and thus the possibility of being online at practically every moment. This proportion can be assumed to be even higher among schoolchildren. This precipitates a question of the extent to which access to the web influences the process of political socialization, and what impact it has on the processes of social adjustment. This article attempts to compare and review theoretical tenets of the concept of political socialization. The validity of some assumptions made in the pre-internet area is questioned in the face of the contemporary reality of the world operating in permanently-logged-in mode. A handful of recommendations are also put forward for a more socially useful application of the media in the adjustment of the individual (in particular young people) to living in the circumstances of media democracy.W procesie socjalizacji politycznej media wydają się odgrywać coraz istotniejszą rolę. Wynika to nie tylko z dużej ilości czasu spędzanego każdego dnia przed ekranami i innymi nośnikami informacji, ale i coraz większej „intymności” w relacjach z urządzeniami – większość Polaków (ok. 64% w 2017 r. w grupie 15+) posiada smartfon, który daje możliwości bycia online niemalże w każdym momencie życia. Należy założyć, iż w grupie młodzieży szkolnej, odsetek ten jest większy. Skłania to do zadania pytania: na ile dostęp do sieci wpływa na proces socjalizacji politycznej i jakie są jego skutki w obszarze procesów społecznego dostosowania? Celem artykułu jest ich zestawienie i próba zrewidowania założeń teoretycznych dotyczących pojęcia socjalizacji politycznej. Poddajemy w wątpliwość aktualność pewnych założeń ery przedinternetowej w stosunku do współczesnych realiów świata funkcjonującego w trybie permanent-logged-in. Wysuwamy też propozycję kilku rekomendacji mogących stanowić podstawę do bardziej użytecznego społecznie wykorzystania mediów w obszarze dostosowania się (w szczególności młodej) jednostki do życia w warunkach demokracji medialnej

Post-truth and the new media. Do we need post-truth?

Termin postprawda uznany przez redaktorów Oxford Dictionaries za słowo 2016 roku, jeszcze kilka miesięcy temu stanowił modny w kręgach intelektualistów i przedstawicieli nauk społecznych termin lepiej lub gorzej opisujący rzeczywistość załamującego się dość niespodziewanie ładu zachodniego świata. Dziś z powodzeniem wchodzi on do języka potocznego będąc chętnie stosowanym przez publicystów, dziennikarzy, a nawet satyryków. W obliczu tak gwałtownego wzrostu popularności postprawdy, warto zadać pytanie czy politolog w swoim aparacie pojęciowym potrzebuje nowego terminu i czy może wnieść on coś do badań nad rzeczywistością polityczną, szczególnie biorąc pod uwagę wydarzenia takie jak Brexit czy wybór Donalda Trumpa na 45. Prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. Celem artykułu jest więc odpowiedź na pytanie: na ile postprawda tworzy pewną pojęciową autonomię? Drugim natomiast, jest pytanie o dystrybucję treści niezgodnych z prawdą i udział w tym procederze nowych mediów.Post-truth was acknowledged as the word of 2016 by the editors of the Oxford Dictionaries. Several months ago it was a fashionable term used by intellectuals and scholars in the social sciences to offer a better or worse description of the reality of the Western world and the quite unexpected collapse of its order. Today, post-truth is successfully employed in everyday speech by columnists, journalists and even satirists. Given this rapid popularity of post-truth, it is worth asking the question of whether a new term is required to complement the conceptual apparatus of political science, and if such a term can make any contribution to studies into the political reality, particularly when such events as Brexit or the election of Donald Trump as the 45th US President are taken into account. The purpose of this paper is therefore to answer the question of the extent to which post-truth is conceptually autonomous. Another question concerns the dissemination of false information and the participation of new media in this process

Triazole-Based Compound as a Candidate To Develop Novel Medicines To Treat Toxoplasmosis

This article reports anti-Toxoplasma gondii activity of 3-(thiophen-2-yl)-1,2,4-triazole-5-thione. The compound displayed significant and reproducible antiparasitic effects at nontoxic concentrations for the host cells, with an experimentally determined 50% inhibitory concentration (IC50) at least 30 times better than that of the known chemotherapeutic agent sulfadiazine. Purine nucleoside phosphorylase was defined as the probable target for anti-Toxoplasma activity of the tested compound. These results provide the foundation for future work to develop a new class of medicines to better treat toxoplasmosis

1,4-disubstituted thiosemicarbazide derivatives are potent inhibitors of toxoplasma gondii proliferation.

A series of 4-arylthiosemicarbazides substituted at the N1 position with a 5-membered heteroaryl ring was synthesized and evaluated in vitro for T. gondii inhibition proliferation and host cell cytotoxicity. At non-toxic concentrations for the host cells all studied compounds displayed excellent anti-parasitic effects when compared to sulfadiazine, indicating a high selectivity of their anti-T. gondii activity. The differences in bioactivity investigated by DFT calculations suggest that the inhibitory activity of 4-arylthiosemicarbazides towards T. gondii proliferation is connected with the electronic structure of the molecule. Further, these compounds were tested as potential antibacterial agents. No growth-inhibiting effect on any of the test microorganisms was observed for all the compounds, even at high concentrations

Skin Microbiome in Prurigo Nodularis

Prurigo nodularis (PN) is a chronic condition characterized by the presence of nodular lesions accompanied by intense pruritus. The disease has been linked to several infectious factors, but data on the direct presence of microorganisms in the lesions of PN are scarce. The aim of this study was to evaluate the diversity and composition of the bacterial microbiome in PN lesions by targeting the region V3-V4 of 16S rRNA. Skin swabs were obtained from active nodules in 24 patients with PN, inflammatory patches of 14 patients with atopic dermatitis (AD) and corresponding skin areas of 9 healthy volunteers (HV). After DNA extraction, the V3-V4 region of the bacterial 16S rRNA gene was amplified. Sequencing was performed using the Illumina platform on the MiSeq instrument. Operational taxonomic units (OTU) were identified. The identification of taxa was carried out using the Silva v.138 database. There was no statistically significant difference in the alpha-diversity (intra-sample diversity) between the PN, AD and HV groups. The beta-diversity (inter-sample diversity) showed statistically significant differences between the three groups on a global level and in paired analyses. Staphylococcus was significantly more abundant in samples from PN and AD patients than in controls. The difference was maintained across all taxonomic levels. The PN microbiome is highly similar to that of AD. It remains unclear whether the disturbed composition of the microbiome and the domination of Staphylococcus in PN lesions may be the trigger factor of pruritus and lead to the development of cutaneous changes or is a secondary phenomenon. Our preliminary results support the theory that the composition of the skin microbiome in PN is altered and justify further research on the role of the microbiome in this debilitating condition.This research was supported by the mini-Dgrant provided by the Polish Dermatological Society to Dr. Magdalena Zychowska (1/2020)

Dissecting the RecA-(In)dependent Response to Mitomycin C in Mycobacterium tuberculosis Using Transcriptional Profiling and Proteomics Analyses

Institutional Review Board Statement: The experimental procedures were approved and conducted according to guidelines of the appropriate Polish Local Ethics Commission for Experiments on Animals No. 9 in Lodz (Agreement 9/ŁB87/2018). Acknowledgments: We thank Jeremy Rock and Sarah Fortune for providing us with the pLJR965 vector and detailed instructions for the generation of Cas9-regulated strains in M. tuberculosis. The authors thank the mass spectrometry service at the Institute of Biochemistry and Biophysics PAS in Warsaw for MS analysis. The MS analysis equipment used for the analysis was sponsored in part by the Centre for Preclinical Research and Technology (CePT), a project cosponsored by the European Regional Development Fund and Innovative Economy, the National Cohesion Strategy of Poland.Mycobacteria exploit at least two independent global systems in response to DNA damage: the LexA/RecA-dependent SOS response and the PafBC-regulated pathway. Intracellular pathogens, such as Mycobacterium tuberculosis, are exposed to oxidative and nitrosative stress during the course of infection while residing inside host macrophages. The current understanding of RecA-independent responses to DNA damage is based on the saprophytic model of Mycobacterium smegmatis, a free-living and nonpathogenic mycobacterium. The aim of the present study was to identify elements of RecA-independent responses to DNA damage in pathogenic intracellular mycobacteria. With the help of global transcriptional profiling, we were able to dissect RecA-dependent and RecA-independent pathways. We profiled the DNA damage responses of an M. tuberculosis strain lacking the recA gene, a strain with an undetectable level of the PafBC regulatory system, and a strain with both systems tuned down simultaneously. RNA-Seq profiling was correlated with the evaluation of cell survival in response to DNA damage to estimate the relevance of each system to the overall sensitivity to genotoxic agents. We also carried out whole-cell proteomics analysis of the M. tuberculosis strains in response to mitomycin C. This approach highlighted that LexA, a well-defined key element of the SOS system, is proteolytically inactivated during RecA-dependent DNA repair, which we found to be transcriptionally repressed in response to DNA-damaging agents in the absence of RecA. Proteomics profiling revealed that AlkB was significantly overproduced in the ΔrecA pafBCCRISPRi/dCas9 strain and that Holliday junction resolvase RuvX was a DNA damage response factor that was significantly upregulated regardless of the presence of functional RecA and PafBC systems, thus falling into a third category of DNA damage factors: RecA- and PafBC-independent. While invisible to the mass spectrometer, the genes encoding alkA, dnaB, and dnaE2 were significantly overexpressed in the ΔrecA pafBCCRISPRi/dCas9 strain at the transcript level.A.B. was supported by grant “OPUS” from the National Science Centre, Poland, UMO2015/19/B/NZ6/02978. P.P. was supported by grant “OPUS” from the National Science Centre, Poland, UMO-2019/33/B/NZ1/02770

Nowe determinanty socjalizacji politycznej w dobie Internetu

The media appears to play an increasingly significant role in the process of political socialization. This is the outcome of the large amount of time people spend every day in front of their screens and other sources of information on the one hand, and from the growing ‘intimacy’ of their relations with their devices. A majority of Poles (ca. 64% in 2017 in the 15+ age group) have smartphones, and thus the possibility of being online at practically every moment. This proportion can be assumed to be even higher among schoolchildren. This precipitates a question of the extent to which access to the web influences the process of political socialization, and what impact it has on the processes of social adjustment. This article attempts to compare and review theoretical tenets of the concept of political socialization. The validity of some assumptions made in the pre-internet area is questioned in the face of the contemporary reality of the world operating in permanently-logged-in mode. A handful of recommendations are also put forward for a more socially useful application of the media in the adjustment of the individual (in particular young people) to living in the circumstances of media democracy.W procesie socjalizacji politycznej media wydają się odgrywać coraz istotniejszą rolę. Wynika to nie tylko z dużej ilości czasu spędzanego każdego dnia przed ekranami i innymi nośnikami informacji, ale i coraz większej „intymności” w relacjach z urządzeniami – większość Polaków (ok. 64% w 2017 r. w grupie 15+) posiada smartfon, który daje możliwości bycia online niemalże w każdym momencie życia. Należy założyć, iż w grupie młodzieży szkolnej, odsetek ten jest większy. Skłania to do zadania pytania: na ile dostęp do sieci wpływa na proces socjalizacji politycznej i jakie są jego skutki w obszarze procesów społecznego dostosowania? Celem artykułu jest ich zestawienie i próba zrewidowania założeń teoretycznych dotyczących pojęcia socjalizacji politycznej. Poddajemy w wątpliwość aktualność pewnych założeń ery przedinternetowej w stosunku do współczesnych realiów świata funkcjonującego w trybie permanent-logged-in. Wysuwamy też propozycję kilku rekomendacji mogących stanowić podstawę do bardziej użytecznego społecznie wykorzystania mediów w obszarze dostosowania się (w szczególności młodej) jednostki do życia w warunkach demokracji medialnej

Személygépjármű finanszírozás Magyarországon

Rozważania naukowe dotyczące marketingu politycznego bardzo często sprowadzają się do dyskusji na temat politycznej historii XX i XXI wieku z pominięciem istotnych zmian w zakresie narzędzi wykorzystywanych do realizacji strategii wyborczej. Tymczasem analiza naukowa dotycząca marketingu politycznego, jako subdyscypliny stosowanej, uwzględniać winna mechanizmy realizacji określonych zadań. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest więc uzupełnienie tej “luki” i próba zastanowienia się nad wpływem narzędzi opartych o Big data na szerszy obraz tego, co nazywamy zabiegami marketingowymi w obszarze polityki. Pragniemy też poddać pod osąd czytelnika hipotezę, iż daleko idące zmiany w tym obszarze, w szczególności widoczne w kampaniach wyborczych i referendalnych w 2016 r., mogą stanowić przesłankę wyodrębnienia nowego paradygmatu w dyskusji na temat wykorzystania strategii marketingowych w komunikowaniu politycznym. Jest on wynikiem połączenia funkcji kanału komunikacji (internet) z jednoczesnym wykorzystaniem go jako źródła zdobywania danych o wyborcach. Te są zaś wykorzystywane w celach marketingowych. Podkreślić należy, iż mechanizm ten, od niemal dekady stosowany w obszarze działań komercyjnych, na gruncie polityki rodzi zupełnie nowe, potencjalnie niebezpieczne dla obywatela konsekwencje.Academic considerations on the topic of political marketing very often boil down to discussing the political history of the 20th and 21st centuries, while failing to account for the significant changes in the range of instruments used to implement election strategies. However, the academic discussion about political marketing as an applied sub-discipline should take into account some mechanisms for accomplishing specified tasks. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to fill this gap and try to examine the influence of the tools based on big data on the broad picture of what we name marketing activities in the field of politics. We would like to present readers with our hypothesis that the profound changes in this area that were particularly noticeable in the election and referendum campaigns in 2016 may provide a premise to identify a new paradigm in the discussion on the use of marketing strategies in political communication. It would be based on the Internet combining the function of a communication channel and a source of data about voters. This information is next used for marketing purposes. It should be emphasized that this mechanism that has been used in the field of commercial activities for almost a decade, in the field of politics produces completely new and potentially dangerous consequences for citizens