DECISIVE Test Methods Handbook: Test Methods for Evaluating sUAS in Subterranean and Constrained Indoor Environments, Version 1.1

This handbook outlines all test methods developed under the Development and Execution of Comprehensive and Integrated Subterranean Intelligent Vehicle Evaluations (DECISIVE) project by the University of Massachusetts Lowell for evaluating small unmanned aerial systems (sUAS) performance in subterranean and constrained indoor environments, spanning communications, field readiness, interface, obstacle avoidance, navigation, mapping, autonomy, trust, and situation awareness. For sUAS deployment in subterranean and constrained indoor environments, this puts forth two assumptions about applicable sUAS to be evaluated using these test methods: (1) able to operate without access to GPS signal, and (2) width from prop top to prop tip does not exceed 91 cm (36 in) wide (i.e., can physically fit through a typical doorway, although successful navigation through is not guaranteed). All test methods are specified using a common format: Purpose, Summary of Test Method, Apparatus and Artifacts, Equipment, Metrics, Procedure, and Example Data. All test methods are designed to be run in real-world environments (e.g., MOUT sites) or using fabricated apparatuses (e.g., test bays built from wood, or contained inside of one or more shipping containers).Comment: Approved for public release: PAO #PR2022_4705

DECISIVE Benchmarking Data Report: sUAS Performance Results from Phase I

This report reviews all results derived from performance benchmarking conducted during Phase I of the Development and Execution of Comprehensive and Integrated Subterranean Intelligent Vehicle Evaluations (DECISIVE) project by the University of Massachusetts Lowell, using the test methods specified in the DECISIVE Test Methods Handbook v1.1 for evaluating small unmanned aerial systems (sUAS) performance in subterranean and constrained indoor environments, spanning communications, field readiness, interface, obstacle avoidance, navigation, mapping, autonomy, trust, and situation awareness. Using those 20 test methods, over 230 tests were conducted across 8 sUAS platforms: Cleo Robotics Dronut X1P (P = prototype), FLIR Black Hornet PRS, Flyability Elios 2 GOV, Lumenier Nighthawk V3, Parrot ANAFI USA GOV, Skydio X2D, Teal Golden Eagle, and Vantage Robotics Vesper. Best in class criteria is specified for each applicable test method and the sUAS that match this criteria are named for each test method, including a high-level executive summary of their performance.Comment: Approved for public release: PAO #PR2023_74172; arXiv admin note: substantial text overlap with arXiv:2211.0180

The seeds of divergence: the economy of French North America, 1688 to 1760

Generally, Canada has been ignored in the literature on the colonial origins of divergence with most of the attention going to the United States. Late nineteenth century estimates of income per capita show that Canada was relatively poorer than the United States and that within Canada, the French and Catholic population of Quebec was considerably poorer. Was this gap long standing? Some evidence has been advanced for earlier periods, but it is quite limited and not well-suited for comparison with other societies. This thesis aims to contribute both to Canadian economic history and to comparative work on inequality across nations during the early modern period. With the use of novel prices and wages from Quebec—which was then the largest settlement in Canada and under French rule—a price index, a series of real wages and a measurement of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) are constructed. They are used to shed light both on the course of economic development until the French were defeated by the British in 1760 and on standards of living in that colony relative to the mother country, France, as well as the American colonies. The work is divided into three components. The first component relates to the construction of a price index. The absence of such an index has been a thorn in the side of Canadian historians as it has limited the ability of historians to obtain real values of wages, output and living standards. This index shows that prices did not follow any trend and remained at a stable level. However, there were episodes of wide swings—mostly due to wars and the monetary experiment of playing card money. The creation of this index lays the foundation of the next component. The second component constructs a standardized real wage series in the form of welfare ratios (a consumption basket divided by nominal wage rate multiplied by length of work year) to compare Canada with France, England and Colonial America. Two measures are derived. The first relies on a “bare bones” definition of consumption with a large share of land-intensive goods. This measure indicates that Canada was poorer than England and Colonial America and not appreciably richer than France. However, this measure overestimates the relative position of Canada to the Old World because of the strong presence of land-intensive goods. A second measure is created using a “respectable” definition of consumption in which the basket includes a larger share of manufactured goods and capital-intensive goods. This second basket better reflects differences in living standards since the abundance of land in Canada (and Colonial America) made it easy to achieve bare subsistence, but the scarcity of capital and skilled labor made the consumption of luxuries and manufactured goods (clothing, lighting, imported goods) highly expensive. With this measure, the advantage of New France over France evaporates and turns slightly negative. In comparison with Britain and Colonial America, the gap widens appreciably. This element is the most important for future research. By showing a reversal because of a shift to a different type of basket, it shows that Old World and New World comparisons are very sensitive to how we measure the cost of living. Furthermore, there are no sustained improvements in living standards over the period regardless of the measure used. Gaps in living standards observed later in the nineteenth century existed as far back as the seventeenth century. In a wider American perspective that includes the Spanish colonies, Canada fares better. The third component computes a new series for Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This is to avoid problems associated with using real wages in the form of welfare ratios which assume a constant labor supply. This assumption is hard to defend in the case of Colonial Canada as there were many signs of increasing industriousness during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The GDP series suggest no long-run trend in living standards (from 1688 to circa 1765). The long peace era of 1713 to 1740 was marked by modest economic growth which offset a steady decline that had started in 1688, but by 1760 (as a result of constant warfare) living standards had sunk below their 1688 levels. These developments are accompanied by observations that suggest that other indicators of living standard declined. The flat-lining of incomes is accompanied by substantial increases in the amount of time worked, rising mortality and rising infant mortality. In addition, comparisons of incomes with the American colonies confirm the results obtained with wages— Canada was considerably poorer. At the end, a long conclusion is provides an exploratory discussion of why Canada would have diverged early on. In structural terms, it is argued that the French colony was plagued by the problem of a small population which prohibited the existence of scale effects. In combination with the fact that it was dispersed throughout the territory, the small population of New France limited the scope for specialization and economies of scale. However, this problem was in part created, and in part aggravated, by institutional factors like seigneurial tenure. The colonial origins of French America’s divergence from the rest of North America are thus partly institutional

New Growth from Ancestral Roots

Linking six artists to their native heritage, Pollock notes the influence of Morrisseau's work on younger artists. Includes notes on the works presented and artists' statements

Expansion of the APC superfamily of secondary carriers

The Amino acid-Polyamine-organoCation (APC) superfamily is the second largest superfamily of secondary carriers currently known. In the current study, we establish homology between previously recognized APC superfamily members and proteins of seven new families. These families include the PAAP (Putative Amino Acid Permease), LIVCS (Branched Chain Amino Acid:Cation Symporter), NRAMP (Natural Resistance-Associated Macrophage Protein), CstA (Carbon starvation A protein), KUP (K(+) Uptake Permease), BenE (Benzoate:H(+) Symporter) and AE (Anion Exchanger). The topology of the well-characterized human Anion Exchanger 1 (AE1) conforms to a UraA-like topology of 14 TMSs (12 α-helical TMSs and 2 mixed coil/helical TMSs). All functionally characterized members of the APC superfamily use cation symport for substrate accumulation except for members of the AE family which frequently use anion:anion exchange. We show how the different topologies fit into the framework of the common LeuT-like fold, defined earlier (Proteins. 2014 Feb;82(2):336–46), and determine that some of the new members contain previously undocumented topological variations. All new entries contain the two 5 or 7 TMS APC superfamily repeat units, sometimes with extra TMSs at the ends, the variations being greatest within the CstA family. New, functionally characterized members transport amino acids, peptides, and inorganic anions or cations. Except for anions, these are typical substrates of established APC superfamily members. Active site TMSs are rich in glycyl residues in variable but conserved constellations. This work expands the APC superfamily and our understanding of its topological variations